With a down-to-the-wire government shutdown deadline fast approaching and no resolution in sight, Democrats and Republicans on Tuesday turned to political stunts and attention-grabbing props in efforts to ensure that their opponents would be the ones shouldering the blame.
In other words, it was a normal day of partisan polarization in Congress — except this time with dire consequences: a lapse in federal spending that would furlough federal workers and disrupt a range of services that Americans rely on.
The higher stakes meant flashier efforts by both parties to make sure their message broke through.
It began on Tuesday morning on the Senate floor, with a rare back-and-forth exchange between the two party leaders that included them sparring over the meaning of the same giant sign.
For his opening remarks, Senator John Thune, Republican of South Dakota and the majority leader, had brought a large poster he said illustrated Democrats’ hypocrisy when it came to shutdowns.
“Thirteen times when they had the majority, almost all of them — without exception — voted to fund the government,” he said, pointing to his visual aid, a chart with bright red bars representing each time Democrats had voted for stopgap bills to keep the government funded, to make his point.
After calling on Democrats to back Republicans’ spending proposal this time, Mr. Thune yielded the floor. Senator Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York and minority leader, approached him, pointing to the poster as if to ask if he could use it. After a brief exchange, Mr. Thune ceded it to him.
“Does the senator from New York want to enter into a conversation about this?” Mr. Thune asked, returning to his microphone.
“I want to make my point,” Mr. Schumer said, propping the poster up on a desk. “If we can get an easel and bring it over, please.”
It was the rare moment of bipartisan cooperation on a day marked by anything but, and it did not last.
Mr. Schumer used his remarks — and Mr. Thune’s own poster — to blame Republicans for failing to work with Democrats on a compromise to fund the government.
“I love this chart,” Mr. Schumer said, pointing to each bar to count off the times that he said he had negotiated with Republicans when he was in charge and needed G.O.P. votes to allow a funding extension to move.
“It didn’t happen this time,” he said.
On the other side of the Capitol, Speaker Mike Johnson’s staff placed a big-screen television outside his office that looped a minute-long video featuring archival footage of Democrats in Congress criticizing the idea of government shutdowns.
Visitors whose Capitol tours passed by Mr. Johnson’s office near the Rotunda, many sporting headphones to help them hear their audio guides, mostly ignored the video, though a few stopped to take pictures. (Such tours will stop should government funding lapse.)
Though the House was technically out of session, Democrats held a series of news conferences around the Capitol complex to draw attention to their political position. They also circulated plans for a 24-hour livestream on social media to discuss the shutdown into the wee hours of Wednesday morning.
“We need members to anchor time slots and fill that time with conversation, ideally with another member,” said an internal email circulating among Democrats. Unsurprisingly, the undesirable slots between 1 a.m. and 8:30 a.m. remained available as of late Tuesday afternoon.
House Democrats, who lack the power to do much of anything in a chamber where the majority controls almost everything, also seized on what is typically among the dullest of congressional rituals to make a political statement.
They tried to transform a brief, routine meeting of the House that occurs every three days when the chamber is in recess, known as a “pro forma” session, into an embarrassing moment for Mr. Johnson and Republicans.
When Representative Morgan Griffith, Republican of Virginia, called the House to order for the session at noon, about 100 Democrats sat on their side of the chamber, some holding makeshift “missing persons” signs that had the speaker’s face on it. Across the aisle stood just one Republican in a sea of empty seats: Representative Warren Davidson of Ohio.
Though the House was originally scheduled to be in session on Tuesday, Mr. Johnson canceled votes earlier this month after Republicans in his chamber pushed through a stopgap spending measure to fund the government through Nov. 21. That was a bid to pressure Senate Democrats into accepting the Republicans’ proposal, but they refused, blocking the measure in that chamber, where the bill is currently stalled, awaiting the 60 votes it would need to move.
Dozens of House Democrats returned to Washington this week anyway, trying to display party unity and accuse Republicans of failing to negotiate as a shutdown drew nearer.
After a brief prayer and the recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance, Representative Rosa DeLauro of Connecticut, the top Democrat on the Appropriations Committee, stood and asked to be recognized so that she could call for a vote on the Democrats’ proposal to fund the government.
“Mr. Speaker,” Ms. DeLauro called out, trying to get the attention of Mr. Griffith, the Republican temporarily presiding over the House.
Mr. Davidson stood by, ready to thwart Ms. DeLauro’s effort. Under the rules of pro forma sessions, no legislation can be passed without unanimous consent, meaning any one lawmaker can block such an attempt. The sessions are held to meet a constitutional requirement that neither the House nor the Senate adjourn for three days or more without getting the consent of the other chamber and to avoid presidential recess appointments or pocket vetoes.
Mr. Davidson’s presence proved unnecessary. Ignoring Ms. DeLauro’s pleas, Mr. Griffith barreled ahead. As he began reading the language that would adjourn the House for the day, a chorus of other Democrats jumped to their feet, shouting at Mr. Griffith to be recognized and urging him to allow Ms. DeLauro to speak.
Over the clamor, Mr. Griffith adjourned the chamber after a three-minute session, banging the gavel and departing. “Shame on you,” several Democratic members cried out.
Robert Jimison and Annie Karni contributed reporting.
Michael Gold covers Congress for The Times, with a focus on immigration policy and congressional oversight.
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