With the nation watching, the host on Iranian state television asked the question that so many people in Iran — from the political elite to people on the street — were wondering.
“People are very worried about the supreme leader,” the host said to an official from Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s office on Tuesday. “Can you tell us how he is?”
He noted that viewers had sent a flood of messages asking the same thing. But the official, Mehdi Fazaeli, the head of Mr. Khamenei’s archives office, did not give a straight answer.
Instead, Mr. Fazaeli said that he, too, had received numerous inquires from officials and others worried about the ayatollah after the furious bombing campaign by Israel and the United States.
“We should all be praying,” Mr. Fazaeli said.
“The people who are responsible for protecting the supreme leader are doing their job well,” he added. “God willing-, our people can celebrate victory next to their leader, God willing.”
Mr. Khamenei, who has the final say on key decisions in Iran, has not been seen publicly or heard from in nearly a week, despite the extraordinary crisis that his country has faced.
In the last few days alone, the United States bombed three of Iran’s nuclear facilities, Iran retaliated by firing ballistic missiles at an American base in Qatar, and Iran and Israel agreed to a cease-fire that went into effect Tuesday morning.
Through it all, Mr. Khamenei — who officials say has been sheltering at a bunker and refraining from electronic communication to prevent assassination attempts against him — has remained absent, issuing no public statements or recorded messages.
His absence has surprised and unnerved everyone from political insiders to the general public.
Mohsen Khalifeh, the editor in chief of Khaneman, a daily newspaper focused on real-estate development, said in an interview that Mr. Khamenei’s “days-long absence has made all of us who love him very worried.” Acknowledging a possibility that two weeks ago would have seemed unthinkable, Mr. Khalifeh added that if Mr. Khamenei were dead, his funeral procession would be “the most glorious and historic.”
As the supreme leader, Mr. Khamenei has the last word on all major state matters. As the commander in chief of the armed forces, he would be expected to approve any military decision as significant as the attack on the American base or the cease-fire deal with Israel.
The cease-fire agreement, requested by President Trump and mediated by the emir of Qatar, appears to have been brokered swiftly. Yet senior military commanders and government officials have been evasive about whether they have met or spoken with Mr. Khamenei in recent days.
His public silence has led to a flurry of speculation and doubt: How involved has Mr. Khamenei been in the most recent decisions, given the many potential difficulties or delays in reaching him? Is he still supervising the country on a daily basis? Is he injured, sick or even alive?
Hamzeh Safavi — a political analyst and the son of General Yahya Safavi, an Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps commander and top military adviser to Mr. Khamenei — said that Iran’s security officials believed Israel might still try to assassinate Mr. Khamenei, even during a cease-fire. So, he said, they are enforcing extreme security protocols, including limited contact with the outside world.
“There is a pragmatic view taking hold for managing the country out of this crisis,” he said, by empowering other leaders, like President Masoud Pezeshkian.
Still, Mr. Safavi said he believed that Mr. Khamenei was weighing in on key decisions remotely.
Even so, some of Mr. Khamenei’s supporters are posting on social media and telling one another in text messages that they cannot feel Iran has been victorious in the war against Israel until they see or hear from the supreme leader.
Four senior Iranian officials, familiar with current policy discussions in the government, said that in Mr. Khamenei’s absence, politicians and military commanders were forming alliances and vying for power. These factions have different visions of how Iran should move forward with its nuclear program, its negotiations with the United States and the standoff with Israel.
The faction that appears to have the upper hand at the moment is pushing for moderation and diplomacy, the four officials said. It includes Mr. Pezeshkian, who has publicly signaled his willingness to return to the bargaining table with the United States even after Mr. Trump bombed Iran’s nuclear facilities. Mr. Pezeshkian’s allies include the head of the judiciary, Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Ejei, who is close to the supreme leader, and the new commander of the armed forces, Maj. Gen. Abdolrahim Mousavi.
At a cabinet meeting on Wednesday, Mr. Pezeshkian — who came to office last year promising to make Iran more prosperous, more open socially and more engaged with the West — signaled that it was time to change how the country was managed.
“The war and the unity among the people has created an opportunity to change our views on governance and the behavior of our officials,” Mr. Pezeshkian told his cabinet, according to an account of the meeting released by the president’s office. “This is a golden opportunity for change.”
The Iranian government is trying to ride the wave of nationalist fervor that has emerged in reaction to Israel’s withering airstrikes, which officials say have killed more than 600 people in Iran. Tehran’s National Symphony performed at an outdoor concert in Azadi Square — a symbolic landmark named “freedom” — in Tehran on Tuesday. A light show followed with pictures of emergency responders projected on the arch-like tower at the center of the square.
But there are other factions vying for influence as well, officials say.
A rival conservative faction, led by an influential hard-liner politician, Saeed Jalili, has publicly criticized the president and his foreign minister, questioning the legitimacy of what it has called a “surprise” cease-fire and condemning any return to nuclear negotiations with the United States.
Among this group are the hard-liners who hold the majority in the parliament and some senior commanders in the Revolutionary Guards.
Foad Izadi, a conservative political analyst close to Mr. Jalili and the Guards, said in a social media post that Mr. Pezeshkian’s talk of negotiations now gives the impression that “Iran’s president lacks the necessary political competence to govern the country.”
Ali Ahmadnia, the president’s chief of communications, shot back in a social media post, condemning the conservatives’ attacks on the president and foreign minister.
“We’re not supposed to fight Israel day and night for 12 days and now deal with the likes of you! Who are busy completing the enemy’s puzzle with your pens,” he wrote.
Iran’s plan for its damaged nuclear facilities remains a looming question. Both the foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, and the head of Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization, Mohammad Eslami, have said in interviews with local news media that Iran will rebuild and revive its nuclear program and continue enriching uranium.
Sanam Vakil, the director for the Middle East and North Africa at Chatham House, a research group, said that Mr. Khamenei’s absence was notable and a sign that Iran’s leaders were being “extremely careful and security-minded.”
“If we don’t see Khamenei by Ashura,” an important religious procession for Shiite Muslims observed in Iran in early July this year, Ms. Vakil said, “that is a bad sign. He has to show his face.”
Farnaz Fassihi is the United Nations bureau chief for The Times, leading coverage of the organization. She also covers Iran and has written about conflict in the Middle East for 15 years.
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