Steven Everts is the director of the EU Institute for Security Studies. This article is based on a new report called “Unpowering Russia: How the EU can counter the Kremlin.”
The EU faces a Russian threat that goes well beyond Moscow’s war against Ukraine. Every day, the Kremlin’s actions harm European interests in key regions and domains. Yet, the bloc struggles with how to respond, trapped between overestimating Moscow’s strength and underestimating its hostility.
According to a new report by the EU Institute for Security Studies, what Europe needs is a strategy not just of containment or building resilience but of “unpowering Russia” — systematically reducing the Kremlin’s ability to harm the bloc.
Let’s be realistic: Yes, Russia is a global power that can, and does, hurt core EU interests. But it is also losing economic, diplomatic and demographic ground. Its “unlimited partnership” with China is becoming increasingly unbalanced with Beijing calling the shots. Much of the so-called global south remains wary of becoming pawns in its geopolitical games. And around the world, it often has to compensate for strategic weaknesses with bravado and improvisation.
However, Moscow’s danger lies precisely in its agility. It can meddle with European democracies, fuel instability in Africa and the Middle East, and support authoritarian regimes around the world with only modest resources.
It is time the EU pushes back — and hits the Kremlin where it hurts.
One of the most immediate threats the EU could tackle is Russia’s so-called “shadow fleet”—tankers carrying oil through European waters under murky ownership, dodging sanctions and funding Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war machine. The bloc could act without delay by aggressively policing territorial waters and exclusive economic zones, especially in the Mediterranean, Baltic and North seas. If ships lack valid insurance or pose environmental risks, it should seize them or turn them away.
This is about enforcement — not escalation. It is legal, effective, and it would turn the tables on Russia’s hybrid tactics.
The EU needs to act smarter on deterrence as well. This means not being intimidated by Russia’s repeated nuclear threats and bluffs, instead focusing on ramping up practical military aid for Ukraine — from artillery to drones and other scalable systems — without telegraphing its moves in advance for Moscow to manipulate.
Then, there’s China. As Beijing and Moscow draw closer, the EU should start using economic leverage — whether by tightening investment screening or threatening targeted export freezes on dual-use goods. Europe’s diplomacy should also continue to expose the contradiction between China’s stated respect for sovereignty and its indulgence of Putin’s imperial revanchism.
Next, there’s the battle of narratives. Russia’s information warfare may be cheap, but it’s effective, flooding airwaves with lies, fueling discontent and manipulating debate. Meanwhile, Europe’s response has been fragmented and timid. This should end.
The bloc needs a real strategic communications capacity to empower initiatives like EUvsDisinfo, support independent media in vulnerable regions, and work in local languages. The message? Democracy, self-determination and sovereignty aren’t Western concepts. They’re universal principles — and Russia tramples them.
Finally, the EU needs to deepen its regional engagement in order to crowd out Russia’s influence.
In the Western Balkans, this means rewarding reformers and punishing obstructionists, possibly in smaller groups of the willing if there’s no bloc-wide consensus. In the Southern Mediterranean, it means cooperating with Turkey to resolve conflicts that Russia exploits. In Africa, it means pivoting from crisis response to truly becoming the oft-claimed “partner of choice” by investing in joint efforts on infrastructure, education and critical raw materials, while backing the continent’s agency in global governance forums. And in the Indo-Pacific, it means playing to Europe’s strengths as a reliable partner that’s open to trade and collaboration on the issues and challenges that will shape the future: cyber, AI and clean tech.
In all these regions, the EU must also go beyond the circles already familiar with it, such as governments and businesses, and invest in building ties with civil society and future leaders.
The main conclusion here is that Europe is far from powerless — it is simply under-leveraged. The EU has diplomatic reach, economic heft, security tools and a track record of seeking partnerships rather than establishing spheres of influence. However, it needs to use these assets with alacrity and strategic intent.
If it is to “unpower” Russia, the EU must think and act in terms of power — and have the courage to use it. Most importantly, the EU doesn’t need anyone else’s permission to do this. It can seize oil tankers, expose falsehoods and show up in places Russia has long taken for granted.
Unlike so many other things in Europe, “unpowering” Russia won’t start with a grand summit — it will start with action. The Kremlin already plays the game. It is time the EU played it better.
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