On May 11, will hold its first parliamentary election since the country formally opened accession negotiations with the European Union in July 2022.
and his ruling Socialist Party (SP) are both aiming for an historic fourth term. Meanwhile, the opposition remains fragmented, with the Democratic Party (DP) as the second-strongest political force, followed by a range of smaller political parties and movements.
The upcoming vote is widely regarded as a decisive moment for Albania’s democratic trajectory, its commitment to and its long-standing aspiration to join the .
A total of 3.7 million Albanian citizens are eligible to elect 140 members of parliament — with the Albanian diaspora participating in the ballot for the first time.
Running on the EU accession ticket
The Socialist Party launched its election campaign at 12:00 midday on April 12, a moment laden with symbolism.
The kick-off event in Skanderbeg Square featured a stage designed to resemble the EU flag with 12 stars, underscoring the party’s central message, namely that remains its core political objective. The party’s campaign slogan — “Albania 2030 in the EU” — further underpins this message.
“Only we hold Albania’s European future in our hands,” declared Prime Minister Rama, urging voters to support the SP, who he says is the only political force capable of achieving EU membership.
Can the SP guarantee EU membership?
But political analysts argue that membership of the EU is primarily a technical process based on candidate countries meeting specific criteria set by Brussels. These criteria go beyond political slogans and require sustainable institutional reform.
“Using EU integration as an election message harms the real meaning of the process, because Albania needs to implement reforms, build a functional rule of law, fight corruption and go through a broad societal transformation,” political analyst Afrim Krasniqi, executive director of the Albanian Institute for Political Studies, told DW.
“This promise is a spectacular approach,” said Elvin Luku, a professor of communications at the University of Tirana. “Twelve years in power have worn out this government, so, the promise of a European Union passport seems to be the only option left to boost the campaign,” he told DW.
A divided opposition united
“This is the strongest coalition Albania has seen in 32 years,” declared Sali Berisha, former prime minister and leader of the Democratic Party (DP), in March as he presented the Alliance for a Magnificent Albania, an alliance of opposition parties.
In an attempt to win the voters’ trust and backing on May 11, this alliance is promising to improve the citizens’ standard of living, with proposals like raising the average salary to €1,200 ($1,363) and increasing pensions by 20%.
However, after 12 years in opposition and with several divisions within the DP, the challenges continue.
Charges of corruption
Although Berisha’s release from house arrest after the Albanian judiciary brought corruption charges against him briefly revitalized the DP’s base, the former PM remains under investigation at home and under both US and UK sanctions for corruption and undermining democracy, limiting his credibility on the international stage.
Berisha’s ally, , remains in detention, arrested in 2024 on charges of corruption and money laundering.
According to Afrim Krasniqi, the list of candidates running for the opposition clearly indicates that the opposition’s goal is to secure immunity and protection for figures under investigation rather than to reform itself.
New parties seek to shake up Albanian politics
In an electoral landscape long dominated by the SP and DP, several new parties have entered the race, hoping to offer a reformist alternative.
Among them is Levizja Bashke (the Together Movement), a left-leaning movement with roots in civic activism, Shqiperia behet (Making Albania), a party born out of anti-corruption advocacy, and Mundesia (The Opportunity), which is led by entrepreneur and former MP Agron Shehaj.
While early polls suggest that these new parties have limited chances of having a major impact, analysts see their participation as a positive development for Albanian democracy.
“For the first time, we are seeing new parties that are not simply branches of the old ones, but that offer voters other alternatives. This helps make politics less centralized,” says Krasniqi.
Free vote, controlled representation
Recent changes to the electoral code have introduced a form of preferential voting, allowing voters to express their preference for candidates within a party list.
However, one crucial limitation remains: One third of each list is closed, meaning that the ranking of candidates in this section is decided by party leaders and cannot be altered by voters.
In short, these candidates have secure mandates. Political analysts argue that what may appear to be an opening for voters is, in fact, a mechanism that reinforces party leadership control and limits genuine competition.
According to Afrim Krasniqi, political rivalry has shifted to within the parties themselves, reducing competition between opposing parties. “The lists are the result of a process that lacks meritocracy, which aims to reduce the chances of alternative access within parliamentary groups,” says Krasniqi.
A threat to the judicial system?
As Albania’s main political parties enter the final days of the campaign for Sunday’s parliamentary election promising to strengthen the rule of law and combat corruption, their candidate lists tell a different story.
Both the ruling Socialist Party and the opposition Democratic Party have included candidates who are currently under investigation by Albania’s Special Anti-Corruption and Organized Crime Structure (SPAK).
According to data from Qendresa Qytetare, a civic organization that monitors public integrity, 15 candidates from the SP and DP are under investigation, seven of them in safe seats. While these candidacies do not technically break the law, political analysts argue that they undermine the justice system.
“The inclusion by major parties of candidates who are under criminal investigation is a step backward for democracy in Albania,” says Rigels Xhemollari, executive director of Qendresa Qytetare.
“Some of the names on the lists are family members of known criminal figures or individuals who were previously removed from politics in accordance with the decriminalization law,” he adds.
Xhemollari warns that if these candidates are elected to parliament, they could play a significant role in undermining the justice system. Meanwhile, SPAK has announced that it is currently investigating 35 cases of electoral crimes.
Election a critical test for EU integration
According to a report from the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights dated April 28, the political environment is characterized by “a high degree of polarization and mistrust between the two main parties,” raising concerns about the fairness of the process.
Sunday’s election is widely seen as a decisive test of Albania’s democratic maturity and its path toward EU membership.
While Albania has made progress in terms of judicial reform, particularly as a result of SPAK’s investigations into high-level corruption, elections remain a weak point.
Edited by: Aingeal Flanagan
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