The government of Denmark has not historically been a big spender on Washington lobbying. But days before President Trump took office for a second time, Denmark’s embassy started shopping for a lobbyist with ties to the new president, who has loudly proclaimed his intention to try to take over the autonomous Danish territory of Greenland.
The Danes are not alone.
A number of countries that would be affected by Mr. Trump’s threatened acquisitions, tariffs, aid reductions or deportations have been urgently seeking help on K Street to navigate his administration.
Panama, which is pushing back against Mr. Trump’s threat to reclaim the Panama Canal, signed a contract three days before his inauguration that could pay nearly $2.5 million over the next year to a team of lobbyists including the prominent Trump ally David Urban of BGR Group, according to Justice Department lobbying filings.
BGR Group, a powerhouse firm founded by establishment Republicans in the 1990s, also signed a $600,000 one-year contract in late November with the Embassy of Somalia, which is facing the prospect that Mr. Trump’ administration might scale back military cooperation.
And South Korea, which could be hurt by tariffs, expanded its lobbying corps after the election to bring aboard the former Trump campaign adviser Bryan Lanza and his team at Mercury Public Affairs, according to lobbying filings and a person familiar with the engagement.
The surge in interest from foreign governments in lobbyists with connections to the new administration underscores the uncertainty with which even longtime U.S. allies regard Mr. Trump. The administration’s brinkmanship with Colombia over tariffs and the deportation of unauthorized immigrants over the weekend showed how quickly any tensions could escalate.
The desire for assistance navigating Mr. Trump’s chaotic approach to foreign policy comes as his allies have increasingly become fixtures in Washington’s influence industry, a shift from when he first took office after a campaign in which he pledged to “drain the swamp.” Back in 2017, few established lobbying firms had ties to his new administration, allowing a wave of newcomers to elbow their way onto K Street, the downtown boulevard that once housed the capital’s top lobbying firms.
And yet the shopping spree for lobbyists in the early days of Mr. Trump’s second administration has created a dilemma for influence professionals who want to stay on his good side and maintain their access while also getting results for their clients. Representing a country that Mr. Trump has targeted could risk blowback from a president who has been sensitive to perceptions of disloyalty or the specter of associates profiting from their affiliation with him.
The Danish Embassy was turned away by the firm of Brian Ballard, a top fund-raiser for Mr. Trump, according to two people familiar with the country’s outreach who spoke on the condition of anonymity to reveal private discussions. Mr. Ballard’s firm, which was based in Florida, launched a Washington operation at the beginning of Mr. Trump’s first term, and it has found itself in high demand since election night. The firm declined to comment.
The Danes also have had talks with BGR Group, according to four people with knowledge of the discussions. One of them said BGR Group appeared disinclined to accept the engagement.
A spokesman for BGR Group did not respond to requests for comment.
In a statement, the Danish Embassy said it “has not hired a lobbying firm on this issue.” It declined to address whether it was seeking one.
Jesper Moller Sorensen, Denmark’s ambassador to the United States, also declined in an interview to discuss the K Street outreach, but he said that “Denmark is looking forward to having a very constructive relationship with the Trump administration.”
The effort by Denmark to hire a well-connected Washington hand comes amid intensifying concern in Denmark and Greenland about Mr. Trump’s stated intention to take control of the island. He has hinted at the possibility of using military force to facilitate the purchase of Greenland, the strategically important Arctic island that is a self-ruling territory of Denmark.
Danish and Greenlandic politicians have categorically rejected the prospect of a sale, sometimes in confrontational terms. The standoff is unlike anything the Danes have experienced in their recent relationship with the United States, one of Denmark’s biggest trade partners and a major ally.
It is not clear the last time the Danes retained a traditional lobbyist in Washington. The foreign ministry paid U.S. consultants during the Biden administration and Mr. Trump’s first term for public relations assistance related to American tourism, according to records filed with the Justice Department under the Foreign Agents Registration Act. Before that, the embassy had last paid for such assistance in 2016, when it retained the firm Fleishman-Hillard for two months to help promote a trade mission.
The types of government-to-government interactions upon which the Danes and Greenlanders have relied in Washington do not seem to be having the desired effect in the current situation.
Five days before Mr. Trump took office, he had a contentious 45-minute telephone call with Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen of Denmark. She made various suggestions for more cooperation on military and economic issues but insisted that Greenland, which already hosts an important American base, was not for sale.
On Tuesday, Prime Minister Mute Egede of Greenland told reporters that his government was trying to set up a meeting with Mr. Trump to discuss their opposition to the sale.
“You can’t get around the fact that if they want to talk about Greenland, they have to talk to Greenland,” Mr. Egede said.
Rufus Gifford, a major Democratic fund-raiser who was the U.S. ambassador to Denmark under President Barack Obama and remains friendly with the king of Denmark and other leaders there, said Mr. Trump’s stance has triggered a crisis in the political class.
“They’re shocked, which is quickly turning into anger,” he said. “The Danish prime minister that loses Greenland to another country is going to be a laughingstock for the rest of time.”
“They do have limited cards,” Mr. Gifford added of the Danes, “but they got to play the ones that they have, and see what happens.”
The Panamanian government is predicament is tricky, as well. The country has been unsettled by Mr. Trump’s threats to reclaim the canal, which is important to Panama’s economy. Experts view the threat as a possible bargaining tactic to win more favorable treatment for American ships that use the passageway or to extract additional commitments about restricting the flow of migrants through the country on their way toward the U.S. border.
Panama signed a contract this month to pay BGR more than $205,000 a month to represent it in Washington for a year. As part of that representation, BGR agreed to pay $100,000 a month to the firm of Manny Ortiz, a lobbyist with ties to Democrats and in Latin America, according to a contract filed with the Justice Department.
The fees are larger than those in a contract under which Panama agreed to pay BGR $60,000 a month for about a year during the Biden administration.
The Trump administration’s commitment to acquiring the canal was underscored in Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s decision to visit the country during his first foreign trip, set for later this week.
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