The Democratic National Convention (DNC) was on track to closing out with little controversy until yesterday, when the Democratic National Committee decided to reject pro-Palestinian delegates’ efforts to get a Palestinian American speaker on the main stage. As a result, “uncommitted” delegates — representing a Democratic primary campaign that encouraged voters to choose “uncommitted” over President Joe Biden to express their discontent over the president’s handling of Israel’s war in Gaza — staged a sit-in outside the convention hall. Now, “uncommitted” delegates and their allies have launched a last-minute pressure campaign to get a speaker on the last night.
One of the potential speakers that Uncommitted National Movement organizers put forward was Ruwa Romman, a Palestinian American and a Democratic member of the Georgia House of Representatives. She told me that she and the “uncommitted” delegates had felt optimistic about getting a speaking slot because up until yesterday, the Democratic National Committee had still been in discussions with the group and hadn’t said no to their request.
On the surface, it might seem obvious that the Democrats wouldn’t want a speaker criticizing the Biden administration over its handling of the war. But Romman, who had prepared a speech just in case convention organizers tapped her to come on stage, had no such intention. Instead, she simply wanted to highlight the human story behind Palestinian suffering. Her draft speech urges people to support the Harris-Walz ticket and criticizes former President Donald Trump for using the word Palestinian as a slur.
That’s why the Democrats’ refusal to elevate a Palestinian voice to the main stage, despite giving a speaking slot to family members of an Israeli American hostage, is rubbing many voters the wrong way — especially those who hoped that Harris would have a more sympathetic approach to Gaza compared to Biden. The group Muslim Women for Harris-Walz, for example, promptly disbanded after news broke that there would be no Palestinian speaker at the convention.
And for Romman, the fact that the party welcomed Republicans on the stage and not her felt like a slight, not just to her but to Palestinians more broadly. “When I saw [Republican former] lieutenant governor Geoff Duncan on that stage, knowing that the party rejected me — a member of the party and a Democratic elected official — frankly, it was just too much,” she said.
This episode is yet another roadblock to softening the opposition Harris is facing from Arab and Muslim American voters, as well as others who view the Gaza war as a major concern. After Biden dropped out, Harris has had an opportunity to distance herself from the “genocide Joe” rallying cry that became common in pro-Palestinian protests. And by requesting a speaking slot, the uncommitted movement had offered her an olive branch — a small gesture to show that she’s listening. But by rejecting that offer, the Harris campaign is risking fracturing an already fragile coalition.
What the fight over the speaking slot is really about
After Biden stepped aside, many anti-Biden Democrats concerned about the Gaza war saw an opportunity for a reset.
The “uncommitted” delegates initially indicated that the Harris campaign was much more open than the Biden campaign to discussing their concerns. And in the weeks since Harris became the nominee, the Democratic Party has made a handful of gestures to show that they’re listening to voters’ concerns about Gaza. The Harris-Walz campaign manager, for example, met with the Uncommitted National Movement. And the Democratic National Committee gave Palestinians a space to hold a panel in which doctors who worked in Gaza during the war spoke about the horrors they witnessed.
But on their own, those gestures haven’t been enough to assuage voter concerns, especially because denying a Palestinian American speaking time at the convention sends a signal that the party isn’t interested in elevating the issue. And there have been moments when the campaign has been dismissive of pro-Palestinian voters altogether. At a rally in Detroit earlier this month, for example, Harris shut down protesters advocating for a ceasefire. “You know what? If you want Donald Trump to win, then say that. Otherwise, I’m speaking,” she said, clearly irritated by the activists. If she wants to actually reassure pro-Palestinian voters, Harris has the difficult task of distancing herself from Biden while still serving as his number two. But that’s why small gestures like a speaking slot can go a long way.
“This was supposed to be the symbolic bare minimum ask,” said Romman, the representative from Georgia. “We understand that we can’t change policy in a single election cycle, and this was supposed to be an easy way for the party to unite us on this issue. A lot of people care about this. Anybody who’s at the convention has seen the amount of people wearing pins and keffiyehs and flags. It is everywhere.”
It also seems like giving a Palestinian American a speaking slot would not necessarily be as risky as the party appears to think, especially among the Democratic base. Some members of Congress and other Democratic officials have been pushing the party to host a Palestinian speaker at the convention, and groups like the United Auto Workers union endorsed the idea as well. And Israel’s actions in Gaza have been deeply unpopular among Democrats, with polls showing that a majority of Americans disapprove of Israel’s handling of its war.
When asked by Vox why the Democratic National Committee wouldn’t agree to having a Palestinian speaker at the convention, the Harris campaign declined to answer. But given that “uncommitted” delegates had been asking the party for a speaking slot for nearly two months and the Democratic National Committee didn’t officially say no until yesterday, it seems like fitting in a speaker might have been on the table.
The problem for the Democratic Party is that while it pitches itself to be a big tent, it’s now falling short of actually walking the walk. It’s safe to assume that not every speaker up on that stage in Chicago represents Harris’s views or policy objectives, and even official party platforms don’t represent everything that a president will push for while they’re in the White House. So even if a Palestinian speaker were to say something that the Harris campaign disagrees with, that’s not the end of the world — after all, that’s what a big tent looks like.
For much of the convention, Democrats have focused their messaging on civil rights, human dignity, and projecting an image of decency around the world. But if the party fully resists the push to have a Palestinian speak at the convention, the DNC is sending the message that what’s happening to Palestinians is an exception — not so much a grave injustice that ought to be addressed as much as it is an inconvenience that’s better left ignored. At least that’s what Palestinian American voters or their allies, who are all too familiar with the many efforts to keep their voices out of national conversations, might glean from this debacle.
“The message I’m personally getting, frankly, is that nothing we do is ever going to be good enough,” Romman told me. “So how do I go back [to Georgia] and make the argument to people that I know that this is a party worth vouching for and trusting?”
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