Mathematics has a branch called “catastrophe theory,” which analyzes how mounting pressure can lead to a sudden break in a structure that had once looked solid. On Election Day, the rupture suffered by President Donald Trump’s GOP was a real-life demonstration of that process of collapse.
Trump suffered a decisive rebuke. The president’s hold on national politics seemed intact, despite his erratic policies and declining popularity — until Tuesday, when GOP support crumbled in many states and congressional districts where it had surged just two years ago. Trump retains his hardcore MAGA base, but returns Tuesday night showed moderate GOP and independent voters who had backed Trump in 2024 abandoning the GOP to either vote for Democrats or stay home.
As strong Democratic results rolled in across the map, the rejection of Trump and his party looked so broad and deep that it would be hard for Trump’s supporters to rebut, despite their plans to challenge balloting and vote counts. Though many races had not yet been called late Tuesday, Democrats won control of the Senate and appeared to be on a path to a House majority as well.
The political pendulum often swings in midterm elections, but Tuesday’s results seemed something far more consequential. Analysts told me that voters appeared angry at Trump — not just because of high gas prices and a confounding war against Iran, but because they thought the president had betrayed the values he had proclaimed so loudly. He had shredded his claim to be a competent business manager and to be able to stop what he had derided as endless wars.
“Voters are furious at Trump, and they are taking their pound of flesh,” argued Rahm Emanuel, who served three Democratic presidents and is exploring a run for his party’s 2028 presidential nomination. But he warned me: “The Republicans lost Tuesday, but the Democrats will win only if we take steps next year that deal with the issues voters are angry about.”
Despite some internal political turmoil, Democrats stayed on message. Their candidates made Trump the issue, and with his preening campaign appearances over the past month, the president made that easier for them. At times, listening to his verbose and unfocused stump speeches, it seemed almost as if Trump wanted to lose.
Sen. Chris Coons got a sample of the backlash among former Trump supporters Tuesday morning when he was making a last-minute pitch to voters. Coons told me that a burly man who said he had voted twice for the president approached the Delaware Democrat and thundered: “I was hoodwinked! I can’t believe I voted for this guy.”
Abroad, there is palpable relief that the Trump bubble seems to be deflating. Former CIA director William Burns explained to me Tuesday: “A year ago, there was a worry among allies and partners that it wasn’t just about Trump, but a change in how Americans looked at their country and the world. This result will hearten our allies because it suggests that deep structural change in America may not run as deep as they feared.”
Democrats planned this campaign carefully, knowing that it was their best chance to check the power of a president who had busted through many of the normal ethical and political guardrails. Though progressive candidates in solidly blue states drew headlines for advocating socialism, the congressional leadership recruited moderate candidates who could flip seats in swing states and districts. It was those swing-state moderates who drove the gains in the House.
Rep. Jason Crow (D-Colorado) helped lead this selection process. I joined him on Capitol Hill a year ago as he met prospective House candidates. He told them to campaign as if they were running for mayor by focusing on pocketbook issues and ignoring divisive national political wars. “Take risks. Be bold. If something doesn’t work, move on,” he said.
I talked with Crow again Tuesday morning as he was driving to a campaign event to support Manny Rutinel, a candidate running to flip a Republican-held district in Colorado. (Rutinel had a double-digit lead in his race late Tuesday.) But even as success loomed, Crow cautioned that the work of transforming the party and the country was only beginning.
“We became the party of the two coasts over the decades,” he told me. “Now we have to be in the heartland and expand our tent so that we become a broad-based party for all Americans.”
How will Trump and Democratic leaders react to Tuesday’s results? Trump could lean even harder into foreign policy, where his powers as president survive mostly undiminished. He has an imminent war-or-peace decision with Iran, three-way talks in a week with Ukraine and Russia to stop the Ukraine war and a possible summit meeting in China this month with Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Trump can steer this agenda, despite likely Democratic attempts to boost military aid for a desperate Ukraine and curb his war-making powers with Iran. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth will be a special target in the Democratic assault. “Hegseth needs to be removed,” argued Crow, an Army Ranger veteran who served with a capture-or-kill task force in the war against al-Qaeda.
Democrats are already debating how much attention they should give to impeachments and investigations of Trump and his team. “If there is a knock-down fight on impeachment, we lose,” Emanuel said. “If we pass ethics reform, or a minimum-wage increase, or health care, we win. Our goal should be speed in delivering change.” But Crow countered that Democrats can’t evade their obligation to investigate the corruption and overreach of Trump and his team. “The job of Congress is oversight. We have to do that,” he told me.
Coons argued that the Democrats should move quickly to build a bipartisan consensus on immigration that will restrain Immigration and Customs Enforcement but secure the border. And he favors quick legislation, passed through the reconciliation process that would require only a majority vote in the Senate, which includes tax cuts for day care, home health care and housing.
“This election night will come to be regarded as Trump’s swan song,” argued Robert Merry, a presidential historian and longtime political reporter who was editor of the American Conservative. “The opposition Congress will seek to destroy Trump, which will make him all the more erratic and outrageous.”
As for the Democrats, despite their successes Tuesday, “they seem ill-equipped to parlay their victories into what the country desperately needs — a fresh governing philosophy that could undergird a new political coalition that can begin the process of bringing the country back together,” contended Merry.
Democrats appeared headed for an overwhelming victory Tuesday night that would give them the chance to rebuild a governing majority. But in their way stands Trump, whose thirst for control will probably only increase as he begins a two-year path toward the exit.
The post Democrats made the midterms about Trump. Voters responded. appeared first on Washington Post.
