Growing up in a remote Nepalese village, brothers Mausam Kulung and Praveen Kulung shared a dream to build a better life for themselves and their family.
Sons of a farmer, the brothers grew up in poverty. Jobs were almost non-existent, and for generations, villagers had little choice but to migrate abroad in search of work.
Their village had no proper schools while they were growing up, and no reliable public infrastructure. The brothers were forced to leave their home to pursue an education in the capital, Kathmandu.
From a dimly lit room he is renting, Mausam Kulung said political leadership has demonstrated complete apathy towards young people in the country.
“They betrayed the youth of this country and never cared about our future,” he told DW.
Kulung said this simmering feeling of betrayal finally bubbled over during recent anti-government protests.
Both of the brothers decided to join the protests, which were fueled in part by social media posts showing the children of Nepal’s wealthy class, or “nepo kids,” living in luxury.
“Those videos changed something inside us,” Kulung said. “It was a moment of awakening. We were angry at the system that encouraged inequality for decades.”
‘He died in my lap’
Thousands of young Nepalis shared the same frustration. With nearly half the country’s population under 30 years old, their anger at decades of what they described as corruption and political stagnation had .
When the government abruptly on September 4, claiming the companies had failed to properly register with authorities, that frustration erupted onto the streets of the capital. Both Mausam and Praveen Kulung joined the swelling crowds of young demonstrators demanding change.
However, what began as chanting and raising placards, turned into violence and chaos several days later after , killing 19, including Praveen Kulung.
Mausam Kulung held his older brother while he drew his last breath.
“He died in my lap. I couldn’t save him,” he said.
Yet grief has hardened into resolve. “Our fight hasn’t ended,” Mausam says. “It has only begun. We will not allow these corrupt political parties to rule us again.”
Nepal, a Himalayan nation of 30 million, is no stranger to political upheaval. Since the abolition of its 239-year-old monarchy in 2008, following a decade-long civil war, the country has cycled through more than a dozen governments.
Protests ‘infiltrated’ by violent outsiders
The days of violent protests in Nepal ended up and hundreds injured, according to Nepal’s Health Ministry.
During the unrest, mobs torched parliament, the Supreme Court, political offices, luxury hotels, media houses and thousands of other buildings, including ministries and homes of politicians and business leaders.
But student groups who took the lead during the demonstrations claim the violence was perpetrated by outsiders. Among those leading the Gen Z protests is Kamal Subedi, who said his job was to mobilize and unify different student groups for the common cause of bringing down corrupt leadership.
“The vandalism that happened on the day of the protest was not by us,” Subedi told DW. “They were trying to malign our movement.”
“Most of them were older men who pushed their way into the crows,” he added, calling them “infiltrators.”
On the streets of Kathmandu, this sentiment echoes with many others, who said they believe their movement was hijacked and went out of control.
A political vacuum in Nepal
The protests led to the resignation of Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli, who was then replaced by former chief justice Sushila Karki as interim prime minister. Addressing the Gen Z protest movement, .”
Karki was sworn in after days of uncertainty and intense negotiations on filling the power vacuum. New elections are slated for March 2026.
During negotiations on forming an interim government, some political groups called to restore Nepal’s monarchy, which was abolished in favor of a republic in 2008 following decades of unrest and political upheaval.
Protest leader Subedi, who was one of the negotiators with the army chief while the decision was being made on the interim prime minister, said that many supporters of the pro-monarchy Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) also approached negotiators and demanded that the army consider bringing back the king.
“We made it clear to the army that we do not want the king back,” Subedi said.
Gyanendra Shahi, speaker of RPP, told DW that party supports the monarch as a “symbol of authority and unity” that will be “more respected” around the world.
But Prakash Rimal, former editor of Himalayan Times in Kathmandu, told DW that monarchist sentiment represents a “very small” segment of Nepal’s politics. He added Nepal is “long past” the stage where monarchist parties would have a serious shot at taking power.
Rimal, who has been observing the Gen Z protests closely, said the protesters’ fight “was with a political system which for them was corrupt.”
Nepal’s Gen Z looks to the future
On the streets of Kathmandu, that sentiment resonates. For Gen Z protesters like Mausam and Subedi, the struggle is far from over. They speak of continuing their fight not just against the old political order but for an entirely new future.
With elections due in March next year, Nepal’s politically active youth are meeting to discuss the possibility of forming a new political party, in which Gen Z will play a central role.
“We don’t want any old corrupt parties or old guards. We need a democratic overhaul and new leaders,” Subedi told DW.
For Mausam, who buried his brother after the protests, the fight has turned personal. “I won’t let his sacrifice be in vain,” he says. “We are ready to build a new future for Nepal.”
Edited by: Wesley Rahn
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