Britain has hardened its position toward Israel over its conduct of the war in Gaza. But as it weighs the next possible step — imposing sanctions on Israeli ministers — it confronts a complex landscape, not least because of the recent deadly shooting of two Israeli embassy employees in Washington.
Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s government has been mulling sanctions against two far-right Israeli ministers, Itamar Ben-Gvir, the national security minister, and Bezalel Smotrich, the finance minister, for months — a proposal first floated by David Cameron, a foreign secretary in the previous Conservative government. But it has still not decided whether to go ahead, according to several officials.
Momentum toward the sanctions had accelerated in recent weeks, after Britain joined France and Canada in condemning Israel’s expansion of military operations in Gaza. British officials encountered little resistance to the idea of sanctions from the United States, where President Trump has also turned critical of Israel, warning that he wanted to “stop that whole situation as quickly as possible.”
Still, the fatal attack on the two embassy staff members, Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim, by a pro-Palestinian gunman outside a Jewish museum has given pause to some British officials, who question whether this is the right moment to punish senior Israeli leaders, according to one diplomat, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the matter.
Britain now seems likely to wait to see if Israel will allow a measurable increase in aid to Gaza, according to officials. If the situation in the Gaza Strip improves, it could further defer a decision on whether to blacklist Mr. Ben-Gvir and Mr. Smotrich, who favor relocating Palestinians outside of Gaza, which would be a grave breach of international law.
The two men staunchly support Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s expanded operations against Hamas, which have led to the deaths of hundreds of civilians, including many children, in recent weeks.
British officials are similarly ambivalent about when to recognize an independent Palestinian state, a step taken by Norway, Spain and Ireland. France is considering such a move and has encouraged Britain to act in concert with it, potentially at a summit meeting in June. But some diplomats argue that doing so at this moment would have little effect.
The debate has laid bare differences between the Foreign Office, which is viewed as more forward-leaning, and 10 Downing Street, which is viewed as more cautious. But Mr. Starmer is under mounting pressure to do more, both from his Labour Party and from leading human rights lawyers in Britain, a cohort to which he once belonged.
“I think people the prime minister interacts with are saying, ‘You do know this will be more than a footnote in your legacy if you don’t do something?’” said Daniel Levy, a former Israeli peace negotiator who now runs the U.S./Middle East Project, a research group in London and New York.
Speaking in Parliament last week, David Lammy, the current foreign secretary, used the harshest language yet by a British official to denounce Israel’s conduct of the war. He said that Britain would suspend talks on a trade agreement and blasted comments by Mr. Smotrich about “cleansing” Gaza and moving its two million people to other countries.
“We must call this what it is,” Mr. Lammy said. “It is extremism. It is dangerous. It is repellent. It is monstrous.”
Mr. Lammy did not, however, accuse Israel of genocide, despite the cries of “Genocide!” from some Labour Party backbenchers while he spoke. The government is under pressure from lawmakers to invoke that term, which could open the door to the sanctions and a total suspension of weapons sales to Israel (Britain announced a partial suspension last September).
The Netanyahu government has rejected accusations of genocide in Gaza, claiming that the Israeli military has tried to limit deaths among Palestinian civilians.
On Monday, more than 800 lawyers, academics and retired judges called on Mr. Starmer in an open letter to impose sanctions, saying that Israel was guilty of war crimes and had met the threshold for genocide. They said that the limited aid Israel was allowing into Gaza, after an 11-week blockade of food and medical supplies, was not sufficient to avert an “unfolding humanitarian catastrophe.”
“War crimes, crimes against humanity, and serious violations of international humanitarian law are being committed,” said the signatories, who included two retired Supreme Court justices, Jonathan Sumption and Nicholas Wilson. “Genocide is being perpetrated in Gaza, or, at a minimum, there is a serious risk of genocide occurring.”
Mr. Starmer has long said that he will be guided by the principles of international law. His attorney general, Richard Hermer, also has a voice in setting the policy. Mr. Hermer was influential in Britain’s decision to drop objections to an arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court for Mr. Netanyahu and his former defense minister, Yoav Gallant.
In the aftermath of the shootings in Washington, Mr. Netanyahu lashed out at Mr. Starmer, as well as President Emmanuel Macron of France and Prime Minister Mark Carney of Canada. The three leaders had issued a joint statement demanding that Israel agree to an immediate cease-fire in Gaza.
“When mass murderers, rapists, baby killers and kidnappers thank you,” he said in a video statement, “you’re on the wrong side of justice, you’re on the wrong side of humanity, and you’re on the wrong side of history.”
But it is Mr. Netanyahu, not Mr. Starmer, who has become more isolated. On Monday the German chancellor, Friedrich Merz, joined the chorus of outrage in Europe over the dire situation in Gaza, saying Israel’s actions “can no longer be justified.” Even Mr. Trump, who once wrapped Mr. Netanyahu in a warm embrace, is now expressing impatience.
Britain, like other countries, has struggled to separate Mr. Trump’s statements, which can be impulsive and quickly reversed, from substantive policy shifts. That job was further complicated by drastic staff cuts last week at the National Security Council, which removed some of the officials that British diplomats consult.
Mr. Starmer has hesitated to diverge too sharply from the United States on issues from trade to Ukraine. But a shift in tone by Mr. Trump could theoretically give him more room to maneuver on Israel.
Given how the harrowing images and videos from Gaza are galvanizing world opinion, Mr. Levy predicted that Mr. Starmer might be forced to cast aside his cautious approach. “We may get to a moment where he may need to do a reversal,” Mr. Levy said.
Patrick Kingsley contributed reporting from Jerusalem.
Mark Landler is the London bureau chief of The Times, covering the United Kingdom, as well as American foreign policy in Europe, Asia and the Middle East. He has been a journalist for more than three decades.
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