Look, I get it. President Trump’s first 100 days have been a disaster, the worst first 100 days for any U.S. president in history. And I say that knowing that William Henry Harrison only made it 32 days into his term before dying.
Nonetheless, these first three horrible, lunatic months of malevolence and failure have also coughed up a few hairballs of hope.
We are still, for now, a democracy. The inherent goodness of the majority of Americans is translating into growing resistance to the damage this government is doing. Issues that might seem remote from the lives of many—such as the illegal detention and expulsion to a foreign prison camp of apparently innocent individuals—have stirred anger and activism in every corner of the country. Protests are increasing. New entrants to politics are signing up, standing up and speaking out.
And if we examine the past few months closely, something else emerges that should also be a source of guarded hope. We are beginning to see how Trump can be stopped and ultimately defeated. We are learning what works in the face of the administration’s bullying and threats. There is a roadmap being laid before us—and it is largely coming from the president himself.
Core to this is seeing again that Trump is, like many sociopaths, defined by his weaknesses. Greed, retribution and profound ignorance guide his actions and those of the people closest to him. The president is, like most preeners and boasters and bullies, fundamentally weak. A damaged man. Further, he is old and, like all narcissists, has no concern for a world without him in it. While there is danger lurking in each of these flaws, there is also opportunity as we have seen.
In the past few months, as clear as it has been that Trump’s promises were empty and most of his words were lies, it has also been made manifest that capitulating to his bullying only leads to further bullying. In every case, perceived weakness is seen as blood in the water. The examples of universities like my alma mater, Columbia, or big law firms or countries that have sought to win him over by bending the knee has not been a pretty one. In every case, he demands more.
More importantly, we have started to see where counterbalances to his power lie. We have seen how he can be contained, deterred and even forced to walk back his actions. Financial repercussions have twice forced him to reverse course on reckless tariff policies. While he has imposed disastrous trade taxes that are a burden on Americans and American companies—while achieving none of the positive results he has promised—some of his worst actions were stopped by the markets going into free fall. As recently as this week, such reactions have forced him to back off from threats against Central Bank Governor Jay Powell. If stocks continue to plummet, if Treasury yields continue to rise, if talk grows of the end of the dollar as a reserve currency, Trump knows that the people around him whose approval he seeks—his billionaire and CEO friends—will abandon him because they will be crushed by losses.
He may ignore the courts. He may run roughshod over a supine Congress. But Wall Street holds the whip hand with Trump, and those who want to influence him are starting to realize it.
We have also seen that once again, Trump is sensitive to the perception that he is a loser. He doesn’t care about us or about history. But he does care how he is perceived. Therefore, in a big enterprise like government, in which responsibilities must be delegated, all his top aides know they must keep feeding the beast of the boss’ ego or they will fade in influence and access or worse, be pushed out.
This has already happened with Trump’s “co-president” Elon Musk. Musk is on his way out not because the law requires it—again, Trump doesn’t care much about law—but because a) the stories that he rivaled Trump in power, fueled by Musk’s behavior, were a wedge between the two and b) he has alienated far too many people in implementing his DOGE ‘reforms’ that are far, far from producing the results Musk once promised.
Further, the Musk case has revealed another aspect of the markets’ power—this case, of markets driven by resistance activism. By being prominently associated with Trump, Musk has made two of his brands (Tesla and X) toxic, destroying tens of billions of their value wiping away more than $130 billion of his own wealth. This was no accident. Collective action made it happen. The message should be taken clearly: when activists get Trump’s inner circle where they live—in their pocketbooks—it produces results.
When Musk is out of the government, especially given the scars he has received in battles with the likes of Peter Navarro on tariffs or Stephen Miller on immigration, he is likely to become a loose cannon. Will he stay in line some of the time to ensure he gets the fruits of corruption he showed up for in the first place? Yes. Will he seek to advance the idea that he and his tech bro friends are more important to the future of American and world politics than the lame duck Trump? Also yes. (Because, let’s be honest, they are. By far.)
This suggests that Trump’s base is already beginning to fray, and fracture. Plummeting poll results support this. Shrinking GOP margins in special elections support this. But just wait until that big GOP reconciliation bill comes up to be voted on. It will contain the MAGA Holy Grail that is more tax cuts for those who need them least; to help “justify” that (it’s unjustifiable) Republicans will also seek to indulge another longtime right-wing fantasy with the gutting of key social programs, notably Medicaid. The current view is to cutting almost $1 trillion from this very popular, vital program depended upon by tens of millions of Americans.
That may have seemed like a good idea at a distance. But the closer the reconciliation vote gets to the 2026 elections, the worse it is going to look for Republican representatives who are up for re-election. Some may defect or push back, and with good reason. If the bill passes, it is likely to—if we have anything even remotely approaching free and fair midterm elections—result in voter backlash leading to massive GOP losses (almost certainly their majority in the House) and a growing awareness that Trump is not the star he once said he was.
He has always cost other Republicans, but whereas in the past the threat of retribution during primary campaigns gave him leverage that kept many in line, that will fade as it becomes clearer and clearer that he is nearing the end of his political life—and no, he will not be able to run for reelection. There are some bridges that are too far even for the corrupt conservative majority on the Supreme Court.
Further, we are beginning to see what works for Democrats who want to stand up to Trump—AOC, Cory Booker, Chris Van Hollen, Bernie Sanders, Jasmine Crockett and J.B. Pritzker among others. (We are also seeing what does not work, as the examples of Chuck Schumer, Gavin Newsom, Gretchen Whitmer and old school commentators demonstrate.) Democrats are even learning from Trump by recognizing how to win the attention of modern media platforms, as opposed to offering up white papers, wonkery and traditional unease with the use of power. These are the early signs of a remaking of the country’s opposition party to address the unprecedented threats we face.
Finally, the efforts of organized groups to use the courts to challenge Trump are working. Not always. But sometimes. And that matters too in the search for guardrails.
The damage done and soon to be done will take many years from which to recover. But we are also beginning to recognize where Trump is weak, where he responds to pressure, what kind of activism works—and even the important message that activism works.
These are dangerous times. But if we know where to look, they also are times offering important lessons that can help preserve and ultimately restore the America we so value.
The post Opinion: Trump Is Showing Us How to Defeat Trumpism appeared first on The Daily Beast.
