On March 26, in six German states. A police search was also carried out in .
The Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office has accused 17 defendants of founding, or being members of, a domestic terrorist organization.
Security authorities have classified the Brigade N’Hamedu as a terrorist organization, and believe members of the group organized violent attacks at various Eritrean festivals in Germany in 2022 and 2023. In recent years, exiled Eritreans are also thought to have been responsible for massive outbreaks of violence in the Netherlands and Sweden.
Accprding to the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office, the Brigade N’Hamedu is “an internationally networked group whose stated goal is to overthrow the government in .”
“Some members” also consider “violence against German state institutions and representatives of state power” to be “legitimate.”
A country with strong reasons for flight
What lies behind the confrontation between various Eritrean diaspora groups? Eritrea, located on the Horn of Africa, seceded from in 1993 , and became independent. Since then, it has been ruled by President Isaias Afewerki as an authoritarian, one-party state. In terms of , , and economic development, it has regularly appeared far down on the list of international comparisons.
Eritreans can be conscripted for indefinite “national service” –– not only in the military, but also in agriculture or construction. National service is considered the main reason for fleeing the country alongside political oppression. Around half of all Eritreans , scattered around the world. One of the largest groups, comprising more than 80,000 people, lives in Germany.
In an essay, whose title translates as “The Long Arm of the Regime –– Eritrea and its Diaspora,” that was written by Nicole Hirt and published by the Federal Agency for Civic Education (bpb), there is a description of how the Eritrean government maintains a grip on Eritreans in exile.
They are required by law to pay a so-called diaspora tax of 2% of their income, regardless of whether they now hold a different citizenship or not. They can only get a new passport, purchase or inherit property in Eritrea if they can provide proof of their “diaspora tax” payment.
Hirt claims the regime attempts to “control, intimidate, and bring the diaspora into line” through transnational political structures and agents.
Who do the Eritrean festivals serve?
And this is where the Eritrean festivals in Western countries come into play. Officially, they are cultural events. They are organized by the Eritrean government and its affiliated exile groups in Germany. In Giessen, for example, the government-affiliated Central Council of Eritreans in Germany is behind them.
Eritrea expert Gerrit Kurtz of the Berlin-based Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) writes that the character of these festivals has changed considerably over time: “They used to be an opportunity to commemorate the struggle for freedom. Representatives of the regime have increasingly taken over the culturally-oriented festivals, and now officials of the Eritrean government or people close to them often make appearances, spreading propaganda for the authoritarian regime in Asmara.”
Eritrean critics of such festivals include the Global Yiakl Eritrean Movement and United4Eritrea. Both groups accuse festival organizers in Germany of unilaterally supporting the government –– and collecting donations for it. DW sent an inquiry to United4Eritrea, asking whether the group had ties to the Brigade N’Hamedu, and whether it supported its goals. There has been no reply as yet.
The Eritrean Research Institute for Policy and Strategy (ERIPS), a platform dedicated to bringing together Eritreans around the world and advocating for peaceful, democratic change in Eritrea, has sharply criticized the police raids against Eritreans in Germany, as well as the classification of individuals as “terror suspects.”
It states: “We strongly condemn the recent unjust and unfair actions by the German authorities against Eritrean refugees in Germany.” It argues that the Eritrean festivals “disguised as cultural festivals, serve as propaganda platforms intended to intimidate Eritrean refugees abroad.”
The organizers of the festival, such as the Central Council of Eritreans in Germany, have repeatedly rejected such accusations, and have spoken of a culturally-influenced meeting.
German-Eritrean relations
Kurtz says this poses a dilemma for German authorities: “Germany should not take the side of the Eritrean government –– which often tries to put pressure on or monitor members of the diaspora. At the same time, of course, Germany cannot tolerate violent actions, in which Brigade N’Hamedu and other diaspora organizations are involved, on its own soil.”
Kurtz believes that “Germany should basically side with the non-violent opposition in the diaspora, and support democratically-oriented actors –– even if the government continues to maintain bilateral relations with Asmara.” However, since Germany does not currently have an ambassador to Eritrea, its influence is limited.
He adds that “Eritrea is definitely interested in improving relations with Germany, and that opens up certain avenues of influence. The action against the Brigade N’Hamedu in Germany will positively influence Germany’s position with the regime in Asmara.”
This article was originally written in German.
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