Representatives of Germany’s far-right party were among the guests at US President ‘s inauguration in January 2025. They were there alongside Argentina’s President , Italy’s Prime Minister and Nigel Farage from the UK.
One day before, Trump’s former chief ideologue Steve Bannon, the son of former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, an AfD lawmaker and numerous influencers held an informal meeting in Washington to exchange ideas. One right-wing influencer from Germany posted a video from the sidelines, boasting that he had just received an invitation from El Salvador’s ambassador.
Donald Trump is promoting his “America First” agenda, but he has become a magnet for ultra-nationalists around the world — even some anti-American ideologues. This loose global alliance of anti-globalists is only a paradox at first glance.
Against immigration and a modern society
“The key political issues that unite these far-right networks include opposition to migration, nationalism, traditional family values, and anti-globalization,” sociology professor Katrine Fangen from the University of Oslo in Norway told DW. Fangen is a renowned expert on the transnational network of the radical right.
“These networks are not only fighting for more political influence but also for cultural hegemony. Their ultimate goal is to reshape the global ideological landscape in favor of nationalism, social conservatism, and opposition to liberal democracy,” she explained.
And the radical right is quickly learning from each other. Strategies and successes in one country are soon adopted by other movements, according to political scientist Thomas Greven from Berlin’s Free University. He considers the extent of the radical right’s networking to be historically unprecedented.
In his book ‘The International Network of the Radical Right’ he describes the strategy: “For example, Bannon’s strategy of ‘flooding the zone with shit’ is very successful internationally: that means constantly overwhelming the political opponent with lies, new ideas and hostility,” Greven explained in an interview with DW. “This communication strategy is now used everywhere by actors on the radical right,” he said.
These actors do not value democracy as a principle, they see it as an instrument they need to come to power, according to Greven. They believe that once that has been achieved “the person who has been elected should be able to rule without restrictions,” according to Greven.
He points to Hungarian Prime Minister as an example, saying that he argues he need not act in compliance with European laws and regulations, saying “I was elected with a clear mandate to keep migration out of Hungary, and I don’t want European institutions, courts, civil society resistance or any foreign-funded media to stop me from governing.”
“Protagonists of the radical right are bothered by the fact that there are too many obstacles to the will of the majority due to increasing legalization, bureaucratization and supranational structures,” Greven explains. “And the goal is to enforce this majority will in a hyper-majoritarian or illiberal democracy.”
Funding for the radical right
The radical right has a lot of money at its disposal for its ideological struggle. The world’s richest man, and the Koch brothers are among the billionaire entrepreneurs who support the ideological struggle. Musk is himself a player on the radical right. On his , he raves about the AfD in Germany, supports the radical right in the UK and rails against liberal parties.
It is not only private donors who support the right-wing networks. Russia and are also accused of fueling right-wing populist networks in order to destabilize liberal societies.
However, the far right is also benefiting from those whom they have declared as their enemies. In Germany, for example, the state is the AfD’s most important donor. In 2021, the year of the previous general election, around 45% of the party’s revenues came from state coffers: more than €10 million. In Germany, political parties get financial support dependent on their success in elections.
“Many far-right parties have significant financial resources thanks to state party funding, which enables them to expand their outreach. Moreover, the (EP) provides them with a venue for international cooperation, including access to additional resources that help sustain their networking efforts,” political scientist Katrine Fangen points out.
In early 2025, it seems like the strategy of radical right-wing networks is working: Donald Trump has been re-elected in the US and right-wing populist parties continue to gain support in countries such as Germany, France, the UK and Austria.
So are they unstoppable? Political scientist Thomas Greven says no. He points out that many radical right-wing parties have benefited from the fact that they have never had to govern and have had an easy time as political opposition. Their election successes serve to cover up numerous cracks in movements that are often only superficially united, Greven explains.
Greven is convinced that moderate forces can again turn things around. “But there is one prerequisite for this: that the democratic institutions work,” he warns.
This article was originally written in German.
While you’re here: Every Tuesday, DW editors round up what is happening in German politics and society. You can sign up here for the weekly email newsletter Berlin Briefing.
The post How the far right is expanding its international network appeared first on Deutsche Welle.
