The fall of the Assad regime in Syria has created a power vacuum, with various factions vying for dominance in a country shattered by over a decade of war. One such faction, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), has been particularly significant in northwestern Syria. Initially linked to al Qaeda, HTS has sought to distance itself from its extremist roots, presenting itself as a more moderate, governance-focused group. However, the true test of HTS’s commitment to reform lies in its treatment of women. Even prior to the ousting of President Bashar al-Assad, HTS had demonstrated a draconian approach to women’s rights in Idlib, enforcing strict restrictions on their dress, mobility, and role in public life. These actions offer a glimpse into the group’s long-term ambitions for Syria and raise urgent concerns about the future of women’s rights in the country.
The connection between security, counterterrorism, and misogyny is profound yet often overlooked in the international community’s approach to global security. Misogyny does not only result in human rights violations; it is also a critical factor in the emergence and perpetuation of violent extremism. When women’s rights are ignored or actively suppressed, the broader social instability caused by these violations feeds into the conditions that allow terrorism to thrive. The key question in Syria is whether HTS can signal a genuine departure from its extremist past or if the country will descend into yet another form of regressive authoritarianism. In response to the rise of HTS, the international community should prioritize local civil society and strong advocacy for women’s rights to strengthen Syria’s chances of developing a pluralistic society.
The fall of the Assad regime in Syria has created a power vacuum, with various factions vying for dominance in a country shattered by over a decade of war. One such faction, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), has been particularly significant in northwestern Syria. Initially linked to al Qaeda, HTS has sought to distance itself from its extremist roots, presenting itself as a more moderate, governance-focused group. However, the true test of HTS’s commitment to reform lies in its treatment of women. Even prior to the ousting of President Bashar al-Assad, HTS had demonstrated a draconian approach to women’s rights in Idlib, enforcing strict restrictions on their dress, mobility, and role in public life. These actions offer a glimpse into the group’s long-term ambitions for Syria and raise urgent concerns about the future of women’s rights in the country.
The connection between security, counterterrorism, and misogyny is profound yet often overlooked in the international community’s approach to global security. Misogyny does not only result in human rights violations; it is also a critical factor in the emergence and perpetuation of violent extremism. When women’s rights are ignored or actively suppressed, the broader social instability caused by these violations feeds into the conditions that allow terrorism to thrive. The key question in Syria is whether HTS can signal a genuine departure from its extremist past or if the country will descend into yet another form of regressive authoritarianism. In response to the rise of HTS, the international community should prioritize local civil society and strong advocacy for women’s rights to strengthen Syria’s chances of developing a pluralistic society.
The repression of women has historically been a characteristic not only of authoritarian regimes but also of extremist groups that emerge in power vacuums. The collapse of central authority, combined with social, political, and economic instability, often accelerates the breakdown of institutions, laws, and social norms. This creates fertile ground for misogynistic ideologies and structures to resurface and solidify. Extremist groups view women as symbols of modernity or Western influence and target them to reinforce their authority and control over society.
Modern history is replete with examples where misogyny became the cornerstone of emerging draconian regimes and militant groups operating in ungoverned spaces. On each and every occasion, the warnings signs were ignored.
When the Taliban took back power in 2021, it claimed to have reformed and promised greater inclusivity, particularly in respect to women’s rights. However, within weeks, it reinstated harsh restrictions on women’s education, employment, and media freedom. Similarly, the Islamic State, which rose to prominence in 2014, offered peace and security but subsequently ruled through extreme violence, executions, slavery, and cultural destruction. During its genocidal campaign against the Yazidis and Muslims labeled as apostates, the group weaponized rape, abducting and enslaving women and girls, and further stigmatized those who returned to their communities.
In post-revolutionary Iran, leader Ayatollah Khomeini’s regime initially promised freedom and equality but quickly consolidated its power by eliminating opposition groups, journalists, and activists who challenged its vision. Similarly, in Syria, HTS’s targeting of women activists, journalists, and humanitarian workers who challenge its authority could signal its preference for control over genuine reform.
The 2011 collapse of Muammar Gaddafi’s regime in Libya led to chaos, worsening misogyny and deepening societal divisions. While women had some rights under Gaddafi, post-Gaddafi Libya saw a rollback in freedoms, with militias enforcing ultraconservative interpretations of religion. In Syria, the Assad regime’s superficial progress on women’s rights was undermined by authoritarian control, and the civil war further exacerbated women’s vulnerabilities.
Power vacuums, such as those seen in Afghanistan, Syria, and Libya, allow for the rise of patriarchal and extremist ideologies. These ideologies often exploit traditional or religious norms to justify the exclusion of women from governance and decision-making roles. In such environments, misogyny thrives unchecked, as the breakdown of legal systems accelerates violence against women, including sexual assault, forced marriages, and trafficking. Without functioning institutions to safeguard women’s rights, these conditions create an atmosphere where gender-based violence is not only tolerated but normalized.
Already, HTS has demonstrated its commitment to restricting women’s freedoms. In Idlib, it has enforced a strict dress code, requiring women to wear conservative attire, such as the niqab, in public. Women who fail to comply with the dress code may face fines, public shaming, or even detention by the HTS morality police. HTS has also imposed severe mobility restrictions on women, requiring them to be accompanied by a male guardian to travel or access public spaces.
While HTS claims to support women’s education, in practice it severely limits their access to education. Girls are often confined to studying religious subjects and domestic skills, with little room for academic or professional development. Women are only allowed to work in specific roles, such as teaching in girls schools or working in health care within women-only environments. Broader employment opportunities remain off-limits, reinforcing HTS’s belief that a woman’s primary role is within the home.
HTS’s ideological position on women’s roles is clear: They are meant to serve as mothers and caregivers, vital to the stability of both the family and society. The group’s propaganda emphasizes this ideal, celebrating women who adhere to their prescribed roles and raise children to be future fighters or scholars. Women who challenge this vision or advocate for change are harshly punished. Women activists and aid workers have faced harassment, arrest, and intimidation by HTS security forces. Humanitarian workers, particularly those offering maternal health care, have been blocked from conducting field visits, further exacerbating the suffering of women and children in conflict zones.
HTS has worked hard to rebrand itself as a more moderate, pragmatic group, distancing itself from its extremist past and focusing on governance. The group’s leader, Abu Mohammed al-Jolani, has made efforts to present himself as a reformist, meeting with local communities and promising to rebuild institutions. However, his history with al Qaeda and the group’s continued commitment to sharia-based governance casts doubt on the sincerity of those reforms.
Although Jolani has sought to downplay his own history with al Qaeda, it’s important to remember that it was him who chose to pledge allegiance to Ayman al-Zawahiri, the head of al Qaeda, in 2013. Even though HTS eventually cut ties with al Qaeda, it was endorsed by Zawahiri, who had advised Jolani to rebrand HTS as a more locally focused actor. HTS claimed to prioritize the welfare of Syrians and worked to create a semi-functional administration in Idlib through the “Salvation Government.” Zawahiri also discouraged HTS from carrying out attacks against the West, advising the group to grow its strength first and concentrate on embedding itself in the Syrian revolution, building local support before considering global jihad. Crucially, Jolani has never condemned Zawahiri. When translated, HTS means Levant Liberation Committee, so it seems the group’s goals potentially extend well beyond Syria.
Several Western nations are now reviewing HTS’s status as a terrorist group and are considering removing sanctions against it, but they fail to recognize how deeply intertwined misogyny and terrorism are. Addressing women’s rights is not merely a moral imperative but a necessary component of counterterrorism and international security strategies. The longer these issues are sidelined, the harder it becomes to break the cycle of misogyny, violence, and instability that fuels extremism. The allure of institutionalized subjugation acts as a rallying cry, drawing those who thrive in societies defined by gender-based oppression.
Given HTS’s known misogynistic views and its wider strategic goals, the international community must strongly condition foreign aid and support for HTS on adopting reforms that protect women’s rights, including access to education, health care, and freedom from gender-based violence. To avoid the Islamic State exploiting the situation in Syria, security sector reform and counternarcotics (specifically, removal of the dangerous drug Captagon that Assad stockpiled) should be undertaken by regional actors like Jordan and the United Arab Emirates to support forces that are capable of resisting radicalism.
HTS’s influence in Idlib and beyond Syria threatens to reintroduce authoritarian rule, reinforced by deeply ingrained misogyny. If the international community ignores these issues, Syria risks following in the footsteps of other failed states, such as Afghanistan and Libya, where the collapse of governance has led to the normalization of violence and oppression of women. To prevent this, it is essential that global counterterrorism strategies prioritize women’s rights as a key component of stability and security. Misogyny is not a cultural issue—it is a driver of extremism. By empowering women, the international community can help ensure that Syria’s future is not defined by violence and oppression. There should only ever be recognition of a new Syrian government that agrees to renounce terrorism, destroy stocks of Captagon and chemical weapons, and protect the rights of minorities and women. Removing HTS as a proscribed terrorist group must be judged on those metrics.
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