PARIS — From the very first pages of his new book, Jordan Bardella, the 29-year-old president of France’s far-right National Rally party, sets the tone for what is to come in this 324-page political tale.
The story he tells — that of a self-starter raised by a single mother in an impoverished Parisian suburb with a large immigrant population, who eventually climbed to the top of France’s most popular party and came close to becoming prime minister before 30 — is one he has told repeatedly since he burst onto the national stage during the 2019 European election.
This familiar tale, however, could hardly have come at a more defining political moment for the French far right, just as Marine Le Pen — the National Rally’s hope for winning the presidency in 2027 — faces a trial that throws her political future into jeopardy and could well dash her hopes of following Emmanuel Macron into the Elysée.
Small wonder, then, that the razzmatazz around the book tour is forcing Le Pen’s protégé to confront a question that has dogged his rapid political ascent: Is he already preparing himself for a palace coup?
What are you seeking, Jordan?
On the whole, the book offers a self-satisfied view of his life, with Bardella presenting himself as a born leader willing to sacrifice personal comfort for the greater good. He gives little new insight into his political outlook, and puts forward no new ideas in “Ce que je cherche” (“What I am looking for”). Nor does the book include any juicy surprises that would have fueled media buzz and boosted sales ahead of its release.
Not that it needed any of that. Bardella’s popularity alone was enough to create a major buzz. His publisher, Fayard — which is owned by conservative media mogul Vincent Bolloré — printed 155,000 copies, close to the 200,000 copies which were run off when then-candidate Macron released his “Révolution” book in 2016 before hitting the campaign trail for his first presidential run.
Bardella has since embarked on a media blitz, traveling across France to meet supporters at events that blend book signings with political rallies.
The backdrop of the Le Pen trial is impossible to ignore. Bardella’s mentor and predecessor has found herself in court on embezzlement charges that she rejects, proclaiming her innocence.
On Wednesday, prosecutors pushed for Le Pen to be sentenced to five years in prison, three of which would be suspended, and to receive a five-year ban on running for public office. With the verdict expected early next year, a ban would sink her plans to run in the next presidential election, currently scheduled for 2027.
Earlier in the day, as Le Pen waited for prosecutors to show their hand, a pack of high-ranking National Rally officials and parliamentarians came to court in support of their candidate — but not Bardella, who was busy signing copies of his book at an event held in Brussels.
The National Rally’s other face
Bardella writes in the book that he had to “flee to get away from the violence and drug dealing at the bottom of [his] building.” He paints an apocalyptic picture of his hometown, where “the incessant comings and goings of drug dealers, the screams, the noise of automatic weapons, the settling of scores at the foot of buildings, the trafficking, the violence, the assaults, the Islamization” were “a daily reality.”
Bardella then explains how he often saw his mother “deprive herself of leisure activities or clothing in order to be able to afford them for me” and “listing in a notebook every single expense, from a baguette to the smallest school supply, saving a few pennies whenever possible.” These stories are likely to resonate with readers angry over the rising cost of living and insufficient wage growth in France, especially at a time when the government is looking to slash public spending to address its massive deficit.
Throughout the book, Bardella restates ad nauseam his admiration for Le Pen, clearly aiming to dispel any speculation that he might challenge her leadership.
“It’s hard to take credit when you’re traveling with someone the French know and respect,” he writes, reflecting on the 2019 European election campaign when Le Pen entrusted him with leading the National Rally’s list to victory at the age of 23. “Wherever she goes, Marine arouses interest and emotion.”
“She’s a rock star,” Bardella wrote.
That “rock star,” however, is accused of embezzling millions of euros in European Parliament funds along with 24 other current and former National Rally officials. They allegedly used the money to pay staffers for domestic political work instead of their assigned roles as Parliamentary assistants in Brussels and Strasbourg.
The evidence against Le Pen and her co-defendants is abundant, including the almost total absence of these assistants in Brussels and the lack of communication between them and the MEPs for whom they supposedly worked. Le Pen, a seasoned public speaker, has managed to keep her composure during the trial and when discussing the case with the media.
She’s even following the example of U.S. President-elect Donald Trump, framing the charges as politically motivated. Last week she told the court that “millions of French people would be deprived of their presidential candidate” if she were barred from running.
Not true, Conservative heavyweight Xavier Bertrand hit back in a radio interview on Thursday. “Let’s stop calling this a denial of democracy, as if the RN [National Rally] wouldn’t be able to field a candidate. They have an alternative candidate, his name is Jordan Bardella, who is just waiting [for the right moment],” he said.
The opportunity is, theoretically, ripe for Bardella to strike.
But for Jean-Yves Camus, a specialist on the far right at the Jean-Jaurès Foundation, any public attempt by Bardella to overthrow Le Pen would be “suicidal” given her standing among her peers and the poor track record of those who have previously attempted far-right leadership coups in France.
“Bardella has time on his side,” he added. “He’s scoring points in the current situation, releasing his book while at the same time avoiding the legal troubles facing his party. Without saying that all he has to do is wait and see, if she’s barred from running, he’s already on the starting line.”
Amid the growing speculation about his future, Bardella himself is carefully holding the party line and casting the trial as a witch hunt. “The prosecutors’ office is not set on justice. It is set on relentlessness and revenge in regard to Marine Le Pen,” he tweeted.
Friends not foes
Both privately and publicly, National Rally officials reject the premise that Bardella and Le Pen are on a collision course.
“The party base and elected representatives support Marine, [and] all other individual initiatives are welcome to the extent that they help on that path,” said a high-ranking parliamentarian close to Le Pen, who was granted anonymity to speak candidly.
According to another lawmaker who was also granted anonymity to speak freely, Bardella’s popularity can “help reach new voters, especially younger ones” but “does not call into question the system [as it is] currently set up.”
Bardella led the National Rally to victory in the past two European elections but fell short in his bid to become prime minister following last summer’s snap legislative elections, in which the National Rally finished third despite polling that had suggested it could win an absolute majority.
The party remains committed to what Bardella describes as an “American-style ticket,” with Le Pen as the “natural candidate in the presidential election” and Bardella as prime minister.
Mean, name-calling journalists
Bardella’s book serves as a continued effort to market himself as a polished, well-mannered, and ambitious figure — an image that has made him one of France’s most popular politicians, but has also led critics to describe him as a sort of French Manchurian candidate.
Bardella recognizes that the press has a “fundamental role” in scrutinizing the actions of decision-makers, himself included. But he says that media portrayals that depict him as, in his words, “a cyborg, cold and calculating, Machiavellian and power-hungry” politician with no substance, go beyond the “healthy limits” of public debate.
Bolloré-owned and other right-wing media have so far praised the book. Le Journal du Dimanche called it an “editorial gambit” in which “Bardella reveals his complex nature.” However, Le Monde, France’s newspaper of record, criticized it as a “marketing object” that lacked substance in a review written by a political reporter.
Few actual literary critics bothered to review Bardella’s book, and the author said he expected it would not be praised for the quality of its prose.
“I can already hear my critics. They will judge this book to be ‘mediocre,’ ‘indigestible,’” he writes in the final pages.
The book is indeed weighed down by pompous and stilted phrasing, but Bardella was likely not seeking literary acclaim. While he travels across France and Europe to promote his work, his end game lies at home in Paris with the future of the French National Assembly.
The fragmented state of France’s lower house of parliament means new elections are likely next year. The National Rally, which has provided passive support to French Prime Minister Michel Barnier’s government, plays a kingmaker role and could trigger new elections by switching to a confrontational stance.
Until then, Bardella’s book gives him a platform to remain in the public eye and continue building his case for a future leadership role.
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