As in Israel, there is definitely a pro-Trump vibe from elites and officials in the Persian Gulf region of the Middle East. It is no secret that the Israelis and Arab Gulf leaders have a confluence of interests when it comes to Iran. They also tend to see former U.S. President Donald Trump—despite his actual record—as being tougher on Tehran than Democrats. (To be fair, they do have a point on sanctions relief.)
The yen for Trump in the Gulf seems to go beyond the Iran challenge, however. Gulf leaders just seem to like the way that Trump runs the U.S. government, which resembles the way that they like to run things themselves: via a small circle on WhatsApp. With Trump, there is no long, drawn out interagency process, which makes it easier for Gulf leaders to influence how he sees a given issue.
As in Israel, there is definitely a pro-Trump vibe from elites and officials in the Persian Gulf region of the Middle East. It is no secret that the Israelis and Arab Gulf leaders have a confluence of interests when it comes to Iran. They also tend to see former U.S. President Donald Trump—despite his actual record—as being tougher on Tehran than Democrats. (To be fair, they do have a point on sanctions relief.)
The yen for Trump in the Gulf seems to go beyond the Iran challenge, however. Gulf leaders just seem to like the way that Trump runs the U.S. government, which resembles the way that they like to run things themselves: via a small circle on WhatsApp. With Trump, there is no long, drawn out interagency process, which makes it easier for Gulf leaders to influence how he sees a given issue.
A well-timed message to a close advisor—Jared Kushner during Trump’s first administration—could mean the difference between the president pursuing a policy that Gulf partners favor or not. During Trump’s four years in Washington, the U.S. bureaucracy usually did not get a chance to weigh in on policy but was rather forced to catch up and merely implement what the president wanted. That feels familiar to Gulf leaders.
In contrast, a Harris administration will make policy in the ways that Washington always has (except during the Trump years), with consultations among various agencies and senior policymakers. This strategy is not always nimble, but it is insulated—at least in design—from the kind of influence that outsiders seem to have in a Trump White House.
Israelis and Gulf leaders don’t get a vote next Tuesday, but it is pretty clear to me that if they did, they would pull the lever for Trump.
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