In his office in Tbilisi’s central Vake district, puffing cigarette after cigarette, Levan Sutidze, editor in chief of Tabula, was busy denouncing the Georgian government’s latest actions—something that’s become almost routine for independent journalists in the country. Tabula is among the many media outlets and civil society organizations that the government has attempted to label as “foreign agents” ahead of country’s crucial general elections in October.
Critics have called this an assault on privacy and freedom, dubbing it a “Russian law” in reference to similar legislation that the Kremlin relies on to suppress independent media and dissent, and warning of the government’s growing closeness to Moscow.
“We believe the foreign agent law undermines our dignity. And precisely because we have dignity, we will not comply with this law. We see it as a violation of our fundamental freedoms and rights, and an anti-Western move,” Sutidze said. His words are echoed across Georgia’s civil society, from media outlets to nongovernmental organizations (NGOs).
The legislation, officially called the “Transparency of Foreign Influence” Law, was passed in May 2024. The ruling Georgian Dream party moved forward with the legislation notwithstanding the criticism from the Western partners. The new law mandates that civil society and media organization receiving more than 20 percent of its funding from abroad must register as “representing foreign interests.” The law doesn’t stop at financial transparency. It requires its targets to disclose personal details, including political affiliations professional secrets and even sexual preferences, if the authorities demand it.
Since taking office in 2012, the government of Georgia—accused by the opposition of being controlled by oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili,—has cozied up to Moscow under the excuse of pragmatism. When Western partners have criticized the government for growing closer to Russia, Georgian Dream has responded by doubling down on anti-Western rhetoric
The Georgian government first proposed the law in March 2023, but after facing mass protests and fueled by fears that the bill threatened Georgia’s EU candidacy, the ruling party withdrew it. Despite ongoing concerns about democratic backsliding and anti-Western rhetoric, the European Union granted Georgia candidate status in December 2023. Yet, just three months later, Georgian Dream reintroduced the legislation, assuming there would be little resistance after securing the EU bid, and moved to break the opposition.
“They reintroduced the law exactly for the same reason [Russian President Vladimir] Putin invaded Ukraine. He saw the weakness of the West and thought he could get away with it. Just as Putin’s aggression was rewarded with a ‘reset,’ the attack on democracy by the Georgian Dream party was rewarded with candidate status,” Levan Ramishvili, a professor at Free University of Tbilisi, told Foreign Policy. “Like Putin, they were correct in their assessment of the West, but they misjudged the people. As Ukrainian people fight to defend their sovereignty, so do the Georgian people—to defend their democracy,” he said.
Massive protests followed this spring, reportedly attended by up to 200,000 people, mostly young people and notably members of Generation Z, filling the streets. The leaderless protests reflected fears of an authoritarian turn and the potential jeopardy of Georgia’s aspirations to join the EU and NATO—both of which enjoy widespread support.
One of the most memorable images from the protests was 21-year-old Ana Minadze applying lipstick in front of the riot police. “This is a direct war against Russia,” she told me in May, explaining her reasons for taking to the streets. “This is the final battle—if we don’t fight now, we might lose our sovereignty next year, or if we retain it, it will be purely symbolic. We must defend it all the way. If not now, when?”
As riot police deployed to break up protests, using tear gas and rubber bullets, demonstrators armed themselves with protective gas masks and goggles that they ordered online. As the protests persisted, the government escalated. Groups of hooligans beat activists nearly to death in the streets, while others were assaulted in police custody, leaving detention facilities with bruises covering their faces and bodies.
Gangs appeared at the homes of protest leaders, political commentators, and journalists in broad daylight, violently attacking those who opposed the so-called foreign agent law. Additionally, the offices of local NGOs were vandalized and threats were spray-painted on the façades of political parties and civil society organizations. Protesters, activists, and their family members, including minors received threatening phone calls filled with insults and threats of physical violence. People were left battered and terrified. Despite the overwhelming brutality, not a single act of violence was investigated by the authorities.
Tamar Kintsurashvili is the head of the Media Development Fund, one of the targeted organizations, which works on Russian disinformation efforts in Georgia. She told Foreign Policy, “You only need to look at how our office was vandalized and the threats against us to understand the aim of this legislation. It’s repressive,” she said.
The demonstrations started with protests about the “Russian law,” but soon turned into wider discontent toward the “Russian regime.” Minadze teared up as she vented her frustration over the ruling political elite’s corruption, nepotism, and disregard. “Why do their children get to fly in private jets while we are the ones working, studying, and protesting day and night? [They] travel the world, get top-tier education, and live comfortably, while we get bullets in return. It’s incredibly unfair.”
The law targets foreign aid that has traditionally supported democracy-building efforts in Georgia, much of it coming from Western partners such as Washington, which has made its dislike heard. The United States has suspended $95 million in aid; imposed visa bans on more than 90 unidentified Georgian government, parliament and affiliated figures; and sanctioned four people, including a high-level official at the Interior Ministry, in relation to the violence at the protests. U.S. officials say privately that they have sanctions ready for Ivanishvili if needed. The European Union has been more timid in its response, freezing some assistance but avoiding imposing sanctions.
“The episodic and sporadic sanctions are an example of misguided approach on the part of the West —they target marginal figures rather than the pillars of the regime. This approach to curbing authoritarianism has the same effect as the helmets Germany sent after Russia invaded Ukraine—virtue signaling,” Ramishvili said.
Despite international criticism, the threat of sanctions, and domestic opposition, the Georgian government has pushed forward with the law. Organizations had until Sept. 2 to register under the new system, but many, including Tabula, refused. To avoid the “foreign agent” label, Tabula is relocating its financial operations to Estonia.
“The Russian case shows how things could unfold. But like Tabula, an overwhelming number of civil society organizations and media are refusing to follow the path chartered by the government. We recognize the risks associated with this step, but we are here to defend our freedoms and serve the Georgian people,” Sutidze said.
As the registration deadline passed, only about 1 percent of Georgia’s 30,000 NGOs have complied. Most prominent organizations resisted, either relocating their financial operations or refusing to act at all. Those that plan to defy the law, such as the Media Development Fund , do so despite the risk of financial penalties. “We do not consider ourselves an organization in the service of a foreign country,” Kintsurashvili said.
The ruling Georgian Dream party claims that the law is designed to ensure transparency, arguing that it mirrors similar legislation in the West, such as the Foreign Agents Registration Act in the United States. But the Georgian law applies to far more groups and is designed not only to monitor, but also to control the activity, Kintsurashvili said.
The government dismisses critics in Washington, Brussels, and at home as part of a mythical “Global War Party,” accusing them of trying to drag Georgia into the Russia-Ukraine conflict. The ruling party insists that the law is to guarantee transparency. As the country approaches its October parliamentary elections, the message only got louder. Elections banners across the country feature images of war-ravaged Ukrainian cities, highlighting destroyed churches, buildings, and infrastructure, juxtaposed with tranquil Georgian landscapes. The accompanying slogans, “No to war” and “Choose peace,” have drawn criticism for what many see as Orwellian doublespeak. Critics says that the government is using these stark contrasts to instill fear in the population, manipulating the narrative to stay in power.
A group of 122 organizations has filed a lawsuit in the Georgian Constitutional Court to overturn the law, including the Media Development Fund. Giorgi Davituri, who presented the case in front of the court on Aug. 31, said the strategy relies on precedents from Russia and Hungary. “The law is not only politically Russian, but also legislatively,” he noted. “We couldn’t address all the constitutional rights this law violates, so we focused on the freedom of assembly and expression. … We are working to prevent the country from becoming autocratic, where everyone speaks in a single voice, like in Russia.”
Davituri contends that the law would be thrown out by any independent court. But in Georgia, the judiciary is widely perceived as controlled by the Georgian Dream government. Why bother, then? Davituri and Kintsurashvili say it’s to exhaust local legal options before turning to the European Court of Human Rights, where Georgia is a member through the Council of Europe.
“Naturally, there is a preconceived notion that the Constitutional Court will not be free from political influence, but we must exhaust the possibilities of local institutions, as this is crucial for taking the case to the European Court,” Kintsurashvili told Foreign Policy.
With elections nearing, concerns are growing that a victory for the ruling party could further solidify Georgia’s drift toward Russia and bring even more restrictions on freedoms. Whether the energy from the protests will translate into political support for an opposition that remains facile, feeble, and far from people is uncertain.
Back in May, when asked if she sees a preferable alternative in the opposition, Minadze shrugged. However, she said that she will vote: “I hope this anger, disappointment… lasts until the elections.”
Three weeks ahead of the vote, Sutidze was still hopeful. “This is an archetypal, classic tale of the temptations of power and control, but we all know how that tale ends,” he said.
The post Georgian Democracy Is Slipping Into Russia’s Grip appeared first on Foreign Policy.
