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How to avert a U.S.-Europe breakup

December 14, 2025
in News
How to avert a U.S.-Europe breakup

The Trump administration recently published a strategy document more critical of democratic Europe than America’s authoritarian adversaries, and scorned allies responded by throwing an equally unhelpful fit. Can Atlanticists on both sides of the ocean repair the rift, or will they let a small but vocal minority see through one of the greatest unforced errors in diplomatic history?

The National Security Strategy, published by the White House on Dec. 4, served as a reminder that the values underpinning the post-World War II alliance are not the same values that populist parties espouse in Europe or the United States. That this rift is ripening as Europeans feel increasingly vulnerable to Russia’s depredations heightens anxieties. Yet European leaders would be foolish to overreact to a few paragraphs from a document that tries to pin down President Donald Trump’s amorphous views.

In the Trump era, the transatlantic alliance is becoming increasingly transactional, driven more by mutually beneficial exchange than shared values. Trump exaggerates his frustrations when annoyed, but he has done more to reset the alliance than tear it down. Europeans who treat Trump’s United States as a threat akin to Vladimir Putin’s Russia are simply not serious.

While the document harshly criticizes Europe’s approach to trade and free speech, the rest of Washington and the country at large still see the old continent as a key ally. The National Defense Authorization Act, which advanced through Congress this week, prohibits a reduction of U.S. forces on European soil below 76,000 troops. And a Reagan Presidential Foundation and Institute survey shows that 68 percent are in favor of NATO and 62 percent want to see Ukraine win the war.

Yet for all their wealth, and marginal progress over the past four years, Europeans are indeed geopolitically “weak,” as Trump said. For decades, American presidents have politely pleaded with allies to share more of the burden. They agreed but made little real progress on rebuilding their underfunded militaries. Trump’s uncouth style, and a genuine crisis in Europe, led to some improvements but after four years of large-scale war in Ukraine, wealthy Europeans remain laggards.

The world would be a better place if Europe was a real superpower, not just a regulatory one. Alas, too many bureaucrats in Brussels remain more interested in leveling unwarranted fines against U.S. tech giants than making the age-old tradeoffs of guns versus butter.

It will also be foolish for Trump administration officials to overplay their hand. The revival of Europe’s military industrial complex is real. Analyzing satellite maps, the Financial Times found that European defense manufacturers are expanding at a rapid clip, with over 30 million square feet of new facilities having broken ground in the last year. Yet now Trump officials are whining that Europeans aren’t buying enough U.S. weapons.

This kind of inconsistency gives credibility to voices inside Europe that would prefer replacing the American alliance with closer ties to countries like China or even Russia. Trump’s blind spot is believing his fellow populists in Europe would make better allies than the centrist status quo just because they’re skeptical of immigration and trade. Many members of the Alternative for Germany or France’s National Rally are virulently anti-American. Voices inside traditional parties think they have a point.

A hard truth is that much of Europe’s resentment really stems from envy of American greatness. The U.S. assimilates immigrants in ways they cannot while fostering innovation they can only dream about because of its relative economic freedom.

Savvy European leaders need to make use of this moment not to join the anti-American chorus but to goad their societies to accept difficult reforms. Their rallying cry should be patriotism, calling people to a common defense against a threat many already feel in their bones. Love of country is a cause that must be wrested from retrograde populists or else they’re going to take over across the continent. History shows how that ends.

The post How to avert a U.S.-Europe breakup appeared first on Washington Post.

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