Amanda Sloat is a professor at IE University in Madrid. She previously served as special assistant to the president and senior director for Europe in the National Security Council in the Biden administration.
As an American living in Europe, I am frequently asked if my compatriots understand the extent of the damage being done to all facets of transatlantic relations by the Trump administration’s bullying policies. My answer is, sadly, no.
More and more Europeans no longer view the United States as a reliable ally. The reasons are not hard to find. The president has threatened to leave NATO, sidelined allies in negotiations over Ukraine’s future, imposed steep tariffs on the European Union and threatened to seize Greenland by force — prompting Europeans to prepare for the real prospect of military conflict with their oldest ally. One recent survey found that one-quarter or more of respondents in some countries — including France, Germany and Spain — see the United States as a rival or adversary. Another found that an absolute majority view Trump as an “enemy” of Europe and U.S. foreign policy as “recolonization.” Polls also reflect a growing belief that China is a more dependable partner.
But the damage goes far beyond public opinion. Across multiple domains, the practical foundations of the transatlantic relationship are eroding.
The U.S. is losing access to European bases and intelligence. When the U.S. and Israel first attacked Iran, a joint statement by Britain, France and Germany pointedly noted their lack of involvement. A growing number of European countries have refused to authorize base or airspace access for offensive military operations, while Poland reportedly denied a U.S. request to transfer air defense systems. These actions follow Britain’s significant but barely noticed decision last fall to suspend intelligence sharing about suspected drug trafficking boats in the Caribbean given concerns about legally dubious U.S. strikes.
The U.S. is also losing European business. As European governments increase their defense budgets, they are unsurprisingly using taxpayer euros to support domestic arms manufacturers. The Trump administration has threatened retaliation if their procurement bids exclude American companies — while at the same time rerouting U.S. munitions already purchased by Europe for the Pentagon’s use in Iran.
This dynamic isn’t limited to governments — it’s reaching ordinary consumers and financial markets. There is growing support for “Buy European” movements. In the Nordic countries, new apps scan a product’s barcode, view its origin and identify local alternatives. Dutch citizens are deleting Google Maps in favor of national options. Retail and institutional investors, including pension funds, are shifting away from U.S. equities amid fears the U.S. Treasury could freeze European assets. The E.U. is also expediting new trade deals with partners like India and Mercosur.
The U.S. is losing the confidence of European officials. Viewing the U.S. as a security risk, E.U. civil servants are required to bring burner phones and laptops on work trips to avoid possible espionage. During meetings in Brussels in my academic capacity, I was surprised when my E.U. interlocutors were joined by at least one colleague — a requirement for conversations with Americans to prevent misunderstandings. When I served in the U.S. government, such practices occurred with foes like Russia and China but not with friends.
The U.S. is losing European students and its own professors. The Institute of International Education found the rate of new international students enrolling at U.S. universities dropped by 17 percent in 2025 compared with previous years. Citing fears of guns, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement activities and harassment, my European friends are discouraging their kids from applying. Growing anxiety has also led European students to cancel semester abroad plans. European universities are becoming more appealing destinations, with countries like Spain easing visa rules for students. They are also attracting American professors, offering “scientific asylum” to disaffected faculty.
And the U.S. is losing European tourists. The World Travel and Tourism Council found the U.S. was the only major destination to see a decline in foreign visitors last year, with a 6 percent drop. Europeans have been dissuaded by reports of intrusive visa requirements and travelers detained by airport immigration officials as well as the prospect of being deported in ICE raids. Some choose longer, pricier routes to avoid even transiting the U.S. Others, like a Brussels-based friend with a necessary work trip, utilized Dublin airport’s preclearance facility to ensure any potential problems would be addressed on European soil.
The U.S. and Europe, like all old allies, have faced challenging periods before. I was a graduate student in Europe during the George W. Bush administration, when the Iraq War sparked protests and raised doubts about shared values. But this moment is qualitatively different. The rupture isn’t confined to governments and policy. It has filtered down to students, tourists, consumers and ordinary citizens. Europeans long viewed the U.S. as the indispensable power. They learned English by watching American movies, dreamed of visiting New York and bought Levi’s jeans. Now, hope and admiration have been replaced by fear and even disdain.
Although future U.S. administrations will undoubtedly seek to reverse these trends, the road back will be harder than most Americans realize. Alliances, like friendships, require mutual trust and respect, which take years to build, moments to destroy — and could take at least a generation to repair.
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