When Representative Yassamin Ansari of Arizona, the only Iranian American Democrat in Congress, learned in the early morning hours of Feb. 28 that the United States was dropping bombs on Tehran, her first call was to her parents.
They had fled Iran decades ago to escape the government led by hard-line religious clerics. So she felt a rush of hope, but also unease, when she learned that the opening salvo of the U.S.-Israeli assault had killed the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Ms. Ansari, 33, is a progressive Democrat who was sworn in last year, making her only the second Iranian American in Congress, after Representative Stephanie Bice, an Oklahoma Republican elected in 2020 whose father was born in Iran. Her party is fiercely opposed to a war President Trump started without congressional authorization. But in a recent interview with The New York Times, she described conflicted feelings about the operation.
She said that her family had discussed for decades when Iranians might finally topple the country’s tyrannical government, and that they wondered if that moment had arrived. But she was also deeply concerned about Mr. Trump’s unilateral move to start a war that she calls “illegal,” and worried that he might eventually align himself with a new leader who would continue to oppress the Iranian people while acquiescing to the American president’s demands.
This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity.
What was your initial reaction when the U.S. and Israel launched a joint attack that killed the supreme leader?
I felt a wide mix of emotions as the daughter of Iranian immigrants who fled this regime, and somebody who grew up hearing all of the devastating stories about how the regime treats its people. You know, my own grandfather was imprisoned by the regime.
It is undoubtedly a moment of celebration when the supreme leader is killed, and Iranians overwhelmingly, whether inside the country or outside, are thrilled.
As a congresswoman who is elected to represent my district in Phoenix and make sure that the U.S. government is making decisions that are in the best interest of Americans, I was terrified that Donald Trump decided to engage in an illegal war without having made any case to the American public about why it is in our national security interests and if there is an imminent national security threat to the United States, and without coming to Congress for authorization. So the feelings are widespread because of those very competing dynamics.
What have you heard from constituents in the opening days of the war?
Most of the calls have been very antiwar, very anti-the U.S. engaging in potentially another long, endless war in the Middle East.
The message I continue to try to put out is that multiple things can be true at one time. This is a very nuanced issue, and it can be true that it is illegal and potentially reckless for the region and the United States. But it can also be true that Iranians are desperate for regime change and were not able to do it without help.
What are you hearing from family members in the region?
I have a lot of extended family who are older. My mom’s aunt, who’s 90 years old, lives in Tehran, and they have not been able to get ahold of her.
The regime tends to shut down the internet whenever there’s any sort of threat from the outside. So that is really devastating.
What is your response to President Trump saying he should be involved in selecting the next leader of Iran?
This has been a concern of mine all along, and when I say that I don’t think that Donald Trump cares about the future of the Iranian people, this is why I say that. If what were to happen in Venezuela happens in Iran, ultimately, Iranians will recognize that, you know, this may not be in their best interest.
The current regime in Iran — it’s not just one person, right? The supreme leader is a figurehead. And there are many people within the military ranks who are potentially even more hard line than the supreme leader was. A concern I have heard from the diaspora, who hear it also from their family, is the idea of Trump potentially cutting a deal with somebody like that who would probably be more loyal to the United States, but could still be just as brutal and just as corrupt and just as authoritarian to their own people.
What do you want to see for Iran in the coming months?
I can say wholeheartedly: I want to see an actual democratic state, a secular state, a state where the people have decided who their leader is.
There is certainly support around the shah’s son here, domestically. That’s undeniable. I have not met with him yet, but he has committed to only being a transitional leader. I think that’s a worthwhile idea to consider.
Ultimately, I do think there needs to be an internationally monitored referendum, free and fair elections, because Iran is also a very diverse country. There’s 90 million people, and it’s not just Persians. There’s, you know, Armenians, Kurds. There’s different Jews, Baha’is, Muslims. Many people are secular. There’s got to be a coalition, and there’s got to be a model that is representative of everyone.
What role could the U.S. play in facilitating free and fair elections?
I do not support boots on the ground at all. I think the U.S. could work to bring in other country partners. I think it needs to be multilateral.
You participated in a classified briefing on the war in Iran with Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and Secretary of State Marco Rubio. What question did you ask?
I referenced the reporting about the C.I.A.’s arming of the Kurdish forces, and I first asked if that were true.
And I raised concerns about the M.E.K. And my takeaway, based on the response that I received, is that transition to democracy in Iran is not part of the current mission.
What’s your response to the Trump administration’s shifting explanations on the war?
That’s the challenge, is that they are changing their tune by the hour, and depending on who’s speaking. Even using the word ‘war’ is something that they go back and forth on.
Based on what the president said, and based on what I heard and the comparisons being made to Venezuela, all of that evidence is what leads me to be concerned about the lack of focus on a true democratic future, versus a solution that Trump will be able to paint as a win for himself, as an off-ramp, that may end up being something that’s worse for Iranians.
What questions do you have for the administration on the war?
What is the cost and what is the actual timeline of engagement? What is the off-ramp? What are we doing to ensure that civilians are protected in Iran? What are we doing to ensure internet access for Iranian people? What are we doing to ensure that the country doesn’t become a failed state like Afghanistan or like Libya?
There are many who want to say that Iran is somehow different than those countries, but I do not believe that is the case. Experts do not believe that is the case. Again, it is a population of 90 million people with very diverse backgrounds, so it is important to have a very clear strategy and approach.
Democrats have forced votes on several war powers resolutions. Your Republican colleagues argued that with the war already underway, those measures would force the president to withdraw U.S. troops from the region, leaving allies and American citizens exposed to Iranian counter attacks. What is your response?
If that is a concern, then the president could immediately come to Congress and make the case and get authorization.
To try to intimidate and scare members of Congress essentially into letting it continue because of that lack of planning and lack of legal basis, I think, is a flawed argument.
How would you vote on an authorization for the use of military force in Iran?
I, at this moment, would not vote to go to war.
The White House eventually will have to send a supplemental funding request to Congress to fund the war. How would you vote on that?
I’m leaning no, but I would need to see the details.
Megan Mineiro is a Times congressional reporter and a member of the 2025-26 Times Fellowship class, a program for early-career journalists.
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