The strict voter identification measure that Republicans pushed through the House last week was just their opening salvo in a monthslong effort to establish new voting restrictions they regard as crucial to keeping control of Congress ahead of midterm elections the G.O.P. is in danger of losing.
The relentless focus on the bills, which face an uphill path to becoming law, serves two purposes that Republicans view as existential. It is aimed at intensifying the pressure within their own ranks to do whatever necessary to muscle the legislation through Congress and to President Trump’s desk, allowing them to make changes that could reshape the electorate in their favor.
Barring that, it allows Republicans to amplify the president’s false claims of mass voter fraud, sowing distrust ahead of the November elections that helps build a case, however groundless, that any Democratic victories will be a result of cheating.
“As President Trump told me last week, it really will save America,” Representative Tim Burchett, Republican of Tennessee, recently told a right-leaning media outlet in Florida, of the push to enact the measure that passed the House. “If we don’t, we lose the midterms and we lose the country.”
Next up is a measure from Representative Bryan Steil of Wisconsin, the chairman of the Committee on House Administration, whose “Make Elections Great Again Act” would go even further in imposing federal control over elections than the Save America Act, which squeaked through on a near-party-line vote last week. That bill would require proof of American citizenship to register to vote and allow the Department of Homeland Security to have access to voter rolls.
Republican proponents of Mr. Steil’s legislation have begun referring to it as the Save America Act, but on steroids.
Mr. Steil’s bill would ban universal voting by mail and prohibit the counting of ballots received after Election Day. It would ban ranked-choice voting for federal elections and would prohibit voters from giving sealed mail ballot packets to someone else for delivery, a practice currently allowed in 18 states.
It also grants far more authority to the Department of Homeland Security to obtain information about voters from states. And it reinforces the House-passed bill’s voter ID requirements, including establishing citizenship by requiring people to show a passport or a birth certificate to register and identification to vote.
“Elections should end on Election Day,” Mr. Steil said at a hearing last week, echoing an assertion Mr. Trump made repeatedly after his 2020 election loss.
At the hearing, Mr. Steil brought in three election deniers to make the case for the changes: Chuck Gray, the secretary of state of Wyoming, who claimed the 2020 presidential race was “illegitimate”; Ann Bollin, a state representative from Michigan who in 2020 signed a letter requesting an audit and investigation of election results in her state; and a senior lawyer with Judicial Watch, a conservative organization that has represented individuals challenging state election laws.
Democrats fear the bill could get fast-tracked to the floor, depending on what Mr. Trump tells House Republicans he wants them to do. And Speaker Mike Johnson has already stated that questioning the security of the upcoming elections will be an issue he does not plan to let fade from voters’ minds.
“That is something that’s going to be a continuing theme here; it’s something we’ll continue to push,” Mr. Johnson told reporters earlier this month.
Mr. Johnson, who played a lead role in the effort to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election, also raised questions about three House Republican candidates from California who held leads on Election Day in 2024. He said they saw their advantages “magically whittled away,” when more mail-in ballots came in and were counted.
“It looks on its face to be fraudulent,” Mr. Johnson said without offering any evidence, even though none of those Republicans leveled any accusations of fraud when they conceded their races.
Mr. Johnson did not mention that Republicans also won districts in 2024 in part because of ballots that came in after Election Day. Representative Gabe Evans, Republican of Colorado, for instance, won his seat in Colorado’s Eighth District in 2024 in a tight race that wasn’t called for days as votes continued to come in and be counted.
Other Republicans in tight races in swing districts, like Representative Young Kim of California, saw their leads grow substantially with votes tallied after Election Day.
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Democrats argue the bills would disenfranchise millions of Americans by making it more difficult for some of their key constituencies — including women, legal immigrants, lower-income Americans and others who may lack the necessary documentation to meet the new requirements — to vote.
“The Make Elections Great Again Act is one strand of spaghetti, the Save America Act is another strand,” Representative Joe Morelle of New York, the ranking Democrat on the House Administration panel, said in an interview. “They’re going to throw the whole bowl at the wall.”
Mr. Morelle noted that the number of noncitizens who cast ballots in elections is so small — almost nonexistent — as to be statistically insignificant. He said the real problem was that there are 80 million U.S. citizens who are eligible to vote and did not do so in the 2024 presidential election.
“If you were concerned about our elections, you would be encouraging them to vote,” Mr. Morelle said. “The larger point is this: They are doing anything they can to disrupt the elections.”
Senator Richard Blumenthal, Democrat of Connecticut, said he saw the congressional efforts to be part of a larger pattern that has included the president’s recent talk of nationalizing elections and his regret about not seizing voting machines in swing states after his loss in 2020. He said those efforts also included intimidating poll workers and most recently, dispatching Tulsi Gabbard, the director of national intelligence, to Fulton County, Ga., to elevate false claims of voter fraud.
“We need just to face it head on,” Mr. Blumenthal said. “There’s no trick solution here. We have to tell voters that the way to overcome it is to turn out massively and make majorities large enough that he has no credible argument.”
Still, Senate Republicans are under increasing pressure from the hard right to do whatever is necessary to break through a filibuster and ram through the Save America Act on a simple majority vote over Democratic opposition.
So far, only two of the usual group of Republican holdouts to Mr. Trump’s agenda — Senators Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Mitch McConnell of Kentucky — have not signed on as co-sponsors of the bill, meaning it would have more than enough support to pass on an up-or-down vote.
The efforts can be viewed as a continuation of Mr. Trump’s election denialism from 2020 that led a mob of his supporters to attack the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. The fact that Republicans won the White House, as well as both chambers of Congress, in 2024 only delayed the issue of voter fraud claims.
And even as they turn their attention to November, Republicans in Congress still struggle with how to talk about past losses.
In a heated exchange during a Rules Committee hearing last week, Mr. Steil delivered careful and legalistic answers when pressed by Democrats about the results of the past two presidential elections.
“Do you agree that Joe Biden won Georgia” in 2020, Representative Joe Neguse, Democrat of Colorado, asked him.
Mr. Steil responded: “As reported, the state of Georgia cast its electoral ballots for Joe Biden.”
“What does that mean,” Mr. Neguse responded, and then asked him if former Vice President Kamala Harris won Minnesota in 2024.
“The Electoral College was counted in favor of Kamala Harris,” Mr. Steil replied, causing Mr. Neguse to lose his patience.
“Why can’t you just say, ‘Yes?’” he said, raising his voice. He added: “If I ask anyone on the panel whether or not a particular candidate won the popular vote in a particular state, I get the same gobbledygook answers.”
Annie Karni is a congressional correspondent for The Times.
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