Davit Okruashvili, a 33-year-old information security analyst, still bears the marks of his recent beating, with both eyes blackened. “It was Nov. 29, around 11 p.m., behind the parliament, when the riot police came down on us mercilessly,” he recalled. “Forty minutes after I arrived, the crackdown began. I tried to retreat as the riot police advanced, but they encircled us from behind. On [Taras] Shevchenko Street, we attempted to escape down some stairs, but riot police were already there, waiting. They caught us. An officer held me and pushed me through. They started beating us without asking any questions. With my head down, wiping blood off my face, they kept moving me through the crowd of riot police. After two or three blows, I couldn’t feel the pain anymore.”
Okruashvili eventually blacked out. Medical examinations later revealed broken bones in and cartilage damage to his face. He is one of hundreds of Georgians who have been attacked by the police after taking to the streets to protest the government. According to Transparency International Georgia, over 400 people have been arrested in Tbilisi, and more than 300 have reported being beaten. Victims have shared accounts of indiscriminate violence by riot police and the Ministry of Interior’s special police task forces. So far no police officers have been held accountable.
Davit Okruashvili, a 33-year-old information security analyst, still bears the marks of his recent beating, with both eyes blackened. “It was Nov. 29, around 11 p.m., behind the parliament, when the riot police came down on us mercilessly,” he recalled. “Forty minutes after I arrived, the crackdown began. I tried to retreat as the riot police advanced, but they encircled us from behind. On [Taras] Shevchenko Street, we attempted to escape down some stairs, but riot police were already there, waiting. They caught us. An officer held me and pushed me through. They started beating us without asking any questions. With my head down, wiping blood off my face, they kept moving me through the crowd of riot police. After two or three blows, I couldn’t feel the pain anymore.”
Okruashvili eventually blacked out. Medical examinations later revealed broken bones in and cartilage damage to his face. He is one of hundreds of Georgians who have been attacked by the police after taking to the streets to protest the government. According to Transparency International Georgia, over 400 people have been arrested in Tbilisi, and more than 300 have reported being beaten. Victims have shared accounts of indiscriminate violence by riot police and the Ministry of Interior’s special police task forces. So far no police officers have been held accountable.
The Georgian government is using fear and violence to suppress dissent and discourage protesters from taking to the streets. The unrest began on Nov. 28, when Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze announced a delay in pursuing European Union integration—a statement widely perceived as a rejection of the country’s European aspirations. This sparked outrage among overwhelmingly pro-European Georgian population, and people poured into streets minutes after the announcement.
Tens of thousands of protesters have been flooding the streets of Tbilisi and other towns daily since then. There are no speeches delivered at the rallies. The demonstrations rely on visuals, including laser projections of slogans onto the parliament building, to make their voices heard.
The protests came after the contested Oct. 26 general elections and allegations of fraud by the authorities. The vote left many in Georgia disillusioned as the ruling Georgian Dream claimed victory yet again. The opposition tried to rally support and take the streets, but their efforts fizzled, weighed down by a lack of public trust. But what came next wasn’t about the elections alone—it was about Georgia’s future.
Before the vote, the government assured its supporters that accusations of being pro-Moscow were lies, insisting its policies were paving the way for Georgia to integrate into the Europe Union “with dignity, peace, and prosperity.” Yet just weeks later, the prime minister’s announcement shattered that narrative, sparking outrage even among Georgian Dream’s own base. For many, it wasn’t just a policy shift—it was a betrayal of the country’s aspirations.
“The Georgian government has made it clear that it is at odds with the European Union, placing the country’s EU aspirations under threat,” said Okruashvili. “This isn’t just about moving away from the EU—it’s about distancing ourselves from the civilized world. That’s why this is so significant.”
The protests represent the culmination of years of frustration with the ruling Georgian Dream party, which is accused of consolidating power and undermining democratic institutions. Bidzina Ivanishvili, the billionaire founder of Georgian Dream and former prime minister, made his fortune in Moscow during the turbulent post-Soviet 1990s and reportedly maintains ties with Russia’s business elite. These connections have fueled suspicions of his alignment with Moscow, with U.S. officials recently accusing him of acting under Russian direction and preparing sanctions against him.
“One thing that unites all those hundreds of thousands of people is the consensus and determination to prevent a Russian takeover of Georgia,” said Giorgi Kandelaki, a researcher at the Soviet Past Research Laboratory. “That angle—the geopolitical dimension of the situation—is not fully appreciated in Western capitals.”
Riot police have deployed tear gas and water cannons, while demonstrators have responded with fireworks and a determination to stay on the streets. The Tbilisi streets have been lighting up every night. Many protestors have sustained injuries from gas canisters hitting their heads and faces. Videos of targeted violence against journalists by government-aligned thugs, who are often referred to as “titushky,” a term imported from Ukraine’s Maidan movement, have further shaken the public. Social media has shown disturbing episodes of unknown individuals waving guns at protesters, only to be overwhelmed by the crowd. The attacks have been severe and repeated, with little to no reaction or accountability from the authorities.
On the evening of Nov. 30, I was standing with a friend at a protest when, without warning, the police fired tear gas at us. My friend grabbed my shoulder as we ran through the choking cloud. We both were wearing a gas mask, but it did little to keep the gas out. We pushed forward through a large, panicked crowd. Around us, people were panicking, pushing in every direction.
But a week into the violence, Georgians have adapted, quickly picking up tear gas canisters and throwing them into jars, wearing gas masks and goggles to protect themselves, and warning the crowd of advancing riot police. Activists have also mobilized to provide medical help, hotlines, and legal aid for those injured or arrested. They have coordinated activities via a Facebook group and even created an app that tracks special forces through the city. Many businesses, at both the local branch level and the corporate one—from hospitals to banks—have sided with the demonstrators, and others have gone on strike.
Tbilisi’s main avenue still fills every evening with thousands of people. Protesters provide food for each other, carry masks and goggles, and arm themselves with saline water to wash away tear gas.
The authorities have intensified their efforts during the day, too, investigating, arresting, and targeting individuals off the streets as well, especially those who are involved in social media organizing or are vocally critical of the ruling party. Some protesters have even been held in pre-trial detention for Facebook posts, according to their lawyers, and others such as Ilia Ghlonti have been charged with “organizing and inciting group violence”—a serious accusation that carries the prospect of a long-term prison sentence.
The international community’s reaction has been tepid, and actions mostly symbolic, with the European Union and the United States cutting ties with the government already largely severed due to prior tensions after the Georgian government passed the controversial “foreign agent” law.
“For Americans, it might be hard to understand what is going on here, because they haven’t faced something like this for a long time—they haven’t had to confront it,” said Lizi, a 25-year-old protester. “But the more countries Russia brings under its influence, the stronger opponent it becomes for the United States, much like during the Soviet Union.”
The United States has suspended its strategic partnership framework with Georgia and announced sanctions against Georgian authorities, though details remain scarce. “What we’ve witnessed in recent years is a bureaucratic approach to the Georgian file by Brussels and Washington,” noted Kandelaki. “This has enabled the growth of Russian influence here.”
The protests represent a shift in Georgia’s political landscape. Unlike the movements that arose in the aftermath of recent elections, this movement is largely leaderless and fueled by grassroots frustration. Protesters’ primary demand is for snap elections. “We’re trying to return to the European path,” said Tsotne, a 30-year-old protester. “The government is steering us toward Russia, but hope keeps us standing here. We won’t stop until free elections are announced.”
The growing discontent has begun to reveal cracks within the Georgian government, with reports of resignations of state employees. Notably, Irakli Shaishmelashvili, the head of the Interior Ministry’s unit responsible for overseeing the riot police, has stepped down.
“What the ruling party relies on primarily are socially vulnerable people and so-called administrative resources,” said Giorgi Kadagidze, former head of Georgia’s National Bank, in an interview with Foreign Policy. “In any election that is even close to free and fair, Georgian Dream would have no chance of securing more than 20 percent of the vote. This muscle-flexing we’re witnessing now is purely an attempt to create the illusion that they have widespread support,” he said.
The demonstrators, meanwhile, show no signs of backing down. “Given what’s happening in Tbilisi today, we need even greater solidarity,” said Tsotne. “The more sanctions imposed on those who usurp power, the better chance we have of saving society. The sooner this happens, the fewer people will be harmed, and the cost will be less.”
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